"This article discusses a possible revision of the interpretative schema that was proposed in the book Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics, published in 2004 before the dramatic development of digital communication. In particular, the article focuses on the idea of the media
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system and its possible use in the digital age. Digitalization seems to foster a process of deinstitutionalization that undermines the role of institutions such as the state, political parties, and news outlet organizations that, in the era of legacy media, were affecting the feature of the media system and therefore represented important subjects of investigation and comparison as to the schema proposed in the book. Digitalization transfers, both in the field of news media and in politics, a number of functions that were played by these institutions to single, dispersed actors; today, the observation of these actors and their actions appears more complex also because of their volatility." (Abstract)
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"This report presents our main findings from eleven months of social media monitoring. We identify the main narratives of online discourse and their key drivers, as well as the weaknesses of Libya’s social media landscape — and how to address them." (Summary)
"Existe-t-il un chemin particulier d’ouverture d’un système médiatique à l’économie, aussi épineux soit-il ? C’est justement le fil rouge de cette monographie, qui examine, sur la base de données empiriques et théoriques, les processus de transformation du journalisme et des médias d
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e masse russes entraînés par un changement des structures économiques et sociales. L’étude analyse les approches russes et étrangères visant à comprendre la dynamique du système médiatique russe, les principaux domaines de ses changements, le rôle des facteurs de nature globale et nationale dans le développement moderne du journalisme national et des médias. L’ouvrage met en exergue de nouveaux enjeux, en analysant l’évolution du modèle des médias russes au sein de l’économie de marché après la chute de l’Union soviétique et la constitution des pratiques médiatiques de consommation en Russie contemporaine." (Dos de couverture)
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"Among the media systems in transitional countries of the Middle East and North Africa, political parallelism has become a widespread feature that has both promoted and undermined the transition to democracy. Political parallelism refers to structural ties between media organizations and political a
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ctors that often result in biased reporting. This article examines how political parallelism is shaping Libya’s newly liberated media system. Based on an analysis of ownership structures, financial sources, and political affiliations of all media outlets currently operating in this fractured country, we show that the structures of the Libyan media system indeed reflect the anatomy of political conflict. At the same time, the analysis sheds light on a large number of local radio stations that do not follow the pattern of political parallelism, but instead refrain consciously from taking political sides. We conclude that this kind of media, if invigorated and developed, could help overcome Libyan polarization." (Abstract)
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"Experts from 13 countries in the Middle East and North Africa agreed on the priorities that could provide the basis for greater collective action to defend independent media in the region. This report provides a summary of those deliberations [...] Building on and strengthening cross-country networ
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ks and exchanges would increase opportunities to learn, build partnerships, and coordinate strategies for media reforms. Such networks and exchanges should cut across sectors and engage diverse actors to enable a holistic approach to improving the enabling environment for media in the region. Strong regional voices for independent media are also important to ensuring that global support to the media sector is targeted and effective. Taking into account the complexity of the crisis and the diversity of experiences, the group identified four paramount challenges that could provide the basis for greater cross-border collaboration in support of independent media in the region: Fighting media capture through transparency, public pressure, and public education; Promoting economic sustainability for independent media under threat; Establishing self-regulation: capacity building and ethical norms; Building stronger solidarity against repression and for reform." (Key findings)
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"This book discusses the development strategies of Chinese media convergence in the current, fast-changing communication environment. Drawing on both theoretical and empirical data and based on the author's observations, focus groups, and in-depth analyses of selected Chinese radio and TV networks,
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it illustrates key lessons for the maintenance and future improvement of talents, advertisement, media organization management, business development, and coping strategies. Further, it outlines a framework that helps readers to consider how to use communication strategies for the construction of media convergence in the context of China by referring to theories of international communication and political communication. Presenting research on the development strategies of Chinese media convergence, it offers a systematic study of the processes through which the Chinese radio and television industries make use of proper communication strategies to have a profound global influence." (Publisher description)
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"Seemingly, Slovaks have access to a wealth of news sources. In reality, though, the market is concentrated in the hands of a few large players. Powerful financial groups such as Penta Investments and J&T, and a handful of magnates including Ivan Kmotrik and Andrej Babis (who is also Czech Republicâ
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€™s prime minister) exert decisive influence in the ownership of most major media companies. They are also close to politicians (if they are not themselves one), which means big leverage in regulatory affairs. The entry on the Slovak market of PPF, a Czech financial group led by another wealthy oligarch, Petr Kellner, which bought Markiza TV in 2019, is further cementing the oligarchic control in the country’s media. The Antimonopoly Office of the Slovak Republic known as PMU is much responsible for the shape of the Slovak media market. It has been the PMU that approved a spate of merger cases allowing the expansion of some media owners. Decisions by the PMU in 2015-2016 allowed Penta Investments to take over several major publishers. It was one of these deals that prompted journalists from the daily Sme (acquired by Penta) to leave and set up DennikN. Civil society exerts little influence. International groups are not effective either. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), a Vienna-based intergovernmental group, has some political leverage, but that does not materialize in any earth-shattering policy changes or palpable improvements for journalists. For example, in early March 2018, Harlem Desir, the head of media at OSCE, called on Slovak authorities in a meeting in Bratislava to investigate the killing by unknown assaulters in February 2018 of the Slovak investigative journalist Jan Kuciak. Instead, two months later, Slovak police began to harass Pavla Holcova, a Slovak journalist who was trying to help with the police investigation. It was only after massive pressures from citizens and journalism groups from abroad that four people were finally charged in October 2019 over Kuciak’s killing. Besides regulation, tightly controlled by authorities and highly politicized, the government plays also a direct role in the Slovak media market. Funding from license fees collected from all Slovak households and state budget makes the public broadcaster RTVS the largest player in the country’s media with a budget in excess of €115m. That is not necessarily bad. For some years, the Slovak public got its money’s worth. The station earned a feather in its cap for improved programming." (Key findings, pages 6-7)
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"Die vergleichende Forschung zu Mediensystemen hat in ihrer nunmehr über 60jährigen Geschichte eine Fülle von Typologien hervorgebracht, die die vorfindbaren Mediensysteme kategorisieren sollen. Nachfolgend werden daher die Logik und die Ausprägungen solcher Systemtypologien und ihre Bedeutung f
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ür die politische Kommunikation vorgestellt. Diese wird im Hinblick auf die Prozesse des Input, Throughput und Output betrachtet." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of Afghan media producers and people from all sectors of society. In this moving work, Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the r
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ole of international interventions. Osman looks at the national and transnational impact of media companies like Tolo TV, Radio Television Afghanistan, and foreign media giants and funders like the British Broadcasting Corporation and USAID. By focusing on local cultural contestations, productions, and social movements, Television and the Afghan Culture Wars redirects the global dialogue about Afghanistan to Afghans and thereby challenges top-down narratives of humanitarian development." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines the role of 24/7 television news channels in Bangladesh. By using a multisited ethnography of television news media, it showcases the sociopolitical undercurrents of media practices and the everydayness of TV news in Bangladesh. It discusses a wide gamut of issues such as news ma
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king, the localized public sphere, audience reaction and viewing culture, the impact of rumours and fake news, sociopolitical conditions, protest mobilization, newsroom politics and perspectives from the ground." (Publisher description)
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"En tiempos de redes sociales, los actores polÃticos colocan sus contenidos en Twitter y Facebook para que sean replicados por otros medios y por la población. Sin embargo, los polÃticos tienen a los medios de comunicación como su principal vehÃculo de transmisión de ideas y mensajes a los ciu
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dadanos. En este marco, el autor escoge el diario El Comercio como objeto de estudio por tratarse del medio escrito más representativo del principal conglomerado empresarial de comunicaciones del paÃs. La empresa que lo cobija tiene un accionariado casi exclusivamente familiar, bastante distribuido entre cientos de miembros de la familia Miró Quesada, quienes se agrupan en diversas facciones que reflejan variaciones importantes en su lÃnea polÃtica durante las últimas dos décadas. AsÃ, los juegos de poder y coaliciones en su interior determinan la predominancia de una determinada lÃnea editorial en un lapso de tiempo marcado sobre la cual el autor busca echar luces mediante el examen de la historia del periódico como poder fáctico y su influencia en lo que va de la centuria actual. Durante las últimas dos décadas, el diario El Comercio ha tenido importantes giros en su lÃnea editorial. Inició el presente siglo con una perspectiva liberal moderada, pasó posteriormente a una etapa decididamente conservadora y hoy tiene posiciones liberales en lo polÃtico y social y libertarias en lo económico." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"Radio umgibt, begleitet und unterhält uns seit rund 100 Jahren. Selbst im digitalen Zeitalter besteht es und verliert keineswegs an Attraktivität. Hans-Jürgen Krug vermittelt prägnant alles Wissenswerte und zeichnet die Geschichte des Radios von den Anfängen bis zur heutigen Zeit nach. Dabei g
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eht er nicht nur auf diverse Sender- und Formatstrategien ein, sondern erzählt auch von dem Wandel, den klassische Genres wie Nachrichten, Politik, Kultur oder Unterhaltung erfahren haben. Zeitleisten und übersichtlich aufbereitete Fakten erleichtern den Einstieg und runden die Chronik des faszinierenden Mediums ab." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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