"Radio umgibt, begleitet und unterhält uns seit rund 100 Jahren. Selbst im digitalen Zeitalter besteht es und verliert keineswegs an Attraktivität. Hans-Jürgen Krug vermittelt prägnant alles Wissenswerte und zeichnet die Geschichte des Radios von den Anfängen bis zur heutigen Zeit nach. Dabei g
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eht er nicht nur auf diverse Sender- und Formatstrategien ein, sondern erzählt auch von dem Wandel, den klassische Genres wie Nachrichten, Politik, Kultur oder Unterhaltung erfahren haben. Zeitleisten und übersichtlich aufbereitete Fakten erleichtern den Einstieg und runden die Chronik des faszinierenden Mediums ab." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Lebanese society is famously, and even notoriously, fragmented, along both class and sectarian lines. Here, Nabil Dajani looks at how this societal division impacts on the nature of the mass media in Lebanon. Implementing the wider theory that the structure and content of mass media is unique to th
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e society within which it operates, he looks at how Lebanese media have often helped to sustain the sectarian divisions within Lebanese society. Dealing with newspapers, radio and television as well as new and emerging forms of communication, such as the internet, social media websites and blogs, he examines how the media both reflect societal realties as well as the ways they influence social consciousness. Beginning with an analysis of the socio-political context of modern-day Lebanon, Dajani critically examines the historical and current realities of the media in this country." (Publisher description)
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"Even with a backdrop of political instability, Sri Lanka’s overall 2019 MSI score remained at 1.80, the same as it was the last time the study was conducted in 2017. This year, the Freedom of Speech objective just crossed the threshold into the near sustainable category due to continued improveme
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nt in the legal framework after the 2015 election and the fact that no major incidents were committed against the media in 2018. Professional Journalism (Objective 2) was the only objective to decrease this year, which panelists attribute to politicization of news media, self-censorship, and few resources to pay adequate salaries or invest in quality, investigative journalism. This study separately analyzed how the media serves the public in Objective 6, with panelists noting that the media tends to reflect the views of the government, media owners, or the elite, rather than the concerns or needs of the general public." (Page 5)
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"This thesis examines the dissemination of political information in Iceland through an investigation of three interlinked and under-studied areas of research in the country. The research gaps concern perceptions of routine political news coverage, the politician-journalist relationship, and the impa
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ct of social networking sites on interactions between the public, journalists and politicians, as well as on news coverage of politics. The data in this mixed methods study is comprised of 50 semi-structured interviews with Icelandic politicians and journalists, and survey answers from a representative questionnaire (N= 1,264). In filling these research gaps, the Icelandic case is used to expand existing paradigms. Iceland has been routinely ignored in the comparative political communication literature, and the same goes for other small states. The thesis illustrates how qualitative differences between small and large states open up new areas of investigation. The findings demonstrate that the Icelandic legacy media is perceived to be breaking down and routinely bypassed in political dissemination. The smallness of the Icelandic society means that there is much more direct interaction between politicians, journalists and the public than in larger states. This happens in informal settings offline, as well as online, particularly on Facebook. In order to study these online forms of communication, I show that there is a need to probe the more private avenues, in addition to the public arena. I introduce the concept of a ‘two-level online sphere’ in relation to this. The thesis contributes to theory building by constructing frameworks based on four dimensions of ‘scaled down’ political communication dynamics: 1) offline network density, 2) online network density, 3) mobile multifunctionality, and 4) flexible autonomy. In addition, I show that the Icelandic case can be seen as a ‘canary in the coalmine’ in relation to political communication developments in the larger democracies of the world." (Abstract)
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"Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change is the first volume to overview the country’s contemporary media landscape, providing a critical assessment of the sector during the complex and controversial political transition. Moving beyond the focus on journalism and freedom of th
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e press that characterizes many media-focused volumes, Myanmar Media in Transition also explores developments in fiction, filmmaking, social movement media and social media. Documenting changes from both academic and practitioner perspectives, the twenty-one chapters reinforce the volume’s theoretical arguments by providing on-the-ground, factual and experiential data intended to open useful dialogue between key stakeholders in the media, government and civil society sectors. Providing an overview of media studies in the country, Myanmar Media in Transition addresses current challenges, such as the use of social media in spreading hate speech and the shifting boundaries of free expression, by placing them within Myanmar’s broader historic social, political and economic context." (Publisher description)
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"Das Buch befasst sich mit der Rolle von Medien in einem politischen Ausnahmezustand. Bettina Haasen hat in Burundi Journalistinnen und Journalisten zu ihrem beruflichen Rollenselbstverständnis befragt und diese Aussagen unter Berücksichtigung ihrer sozialen Herkunft und den Zielen der internation
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alen Medienentwicklungszusammenarbeit (MEZ) kritisch in den Blick genommen. Mit dem gescheiterten Putsch im Jahr 2015 hat das Mediensystem in Burundi einen grundlegenden Wandel erlebt: Medienhäuser wurden vollständig zerstört, Hunderte von Journalisten leben im Exil und die Meinungsfreiheit wurde begraben." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Drawing from often overlooked sources of evidence, this report shows that China’s homegrown social media platforms have responded to market incentives by subtly shielding users from certain forms of online censorship and repression. Meanwhile, the party confronts rising costs—both economicall
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y and politically—for stamping out the diffuse forms of dissent that spread across these networks. Has the debate over the role of new communications technology in China’s political system really been decided? China’s $56 billion internet advertising market now dwarfs advertising in print, radio, and broadcast—and investments have frequently followed audiences to platforms where they feel free to express themselves. Chinese state officials are frequently raising concerns about the growing threat to the party’s control posed by social media, including the dangers of “out of control” algorithms. Hiding key indicators from the censors, reviving banned accounts, and creating opportunities for collective action: social media platforms are quietly and subtly testing the political boundaries in response to their audience’s preferences." (Key findings)
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"The year 2019 was challenging for Sri Lanka, with the Easter Sunday Attacks and the subsequent anti-Muslim riots paralyzing the country and the economy. After the Easter Sunday attacks, the first terrorist attacks on Sri Lankan soil in a decade, it was expected that the media would play a responsib
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le role in reporting on the tragedy and addressing the preceding circumstances. However, many Media Sustainability Index (MSI) panelists believe that after a few days of responsible reporting of relaying government warnings and urging the public to be careful, most media stations decided to capitalize on fear and mistrust to fulfill their commercial and political agendas. After the Easter Sunday attackers were revealed to be Islamic fundamentalists, many media institutions, especially the private media, shifted their tone and fostered a culture of fear and suspicion against Muslims. Many attributed anti-Muslim riots that took place in May 2019 to the media’s anti-Muslim rhetoric [...] Many MSI panelists with print media ties expressed serious concern over the industry’s future. They noted that following the Easter Sunday attacks and the impact on advertising, a significant number of people were laid off, employee benefits were cut, and advertisers have not returned, even though the economy somewhat recovered in late 2019. Although mainstream media, especially print, has faced many disruptions in the last 20 years (i.e., the digitization of content, the spread of social media, and the acceleration of mobile consumption), the panelists believe the current disruption may be unprecedented. Panelists warned that unless media owners analyze the situation and make significant changes, the economic crisis following the Easter Sunday attacks, will exacerbate the print media’s decline." (Page 5)
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"This book investigates ways in which global media coverage of conflicts affects the worldviews of the social and cultural values of nationals from the war regions. It identifies the cultural patterns in remote communities that have been 'diluted' by IT and the extent to which the changes impacted t
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he values of the indigenes. It also describes the role that IT especially social media and broadcast media play in the understanding of war among residents in highly wired and remote communities, respectively." (Publisher description)
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"The main subject of this work is the dynamically evolving Polish media system, which is under the influence of institutions and external stakeholders. Thanks to this, it is easier to understand that the "crossroads" is not only a problem of the Polish media system, but a global one. For this reason
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, a comparative perspectiveis employed. Three chapters help to provide an answer to research questions dedicated to political parallelism and journalistic professionalization. The analysis would be limited and unrepresentative if the book enclosed it with one country's border, omitting the broad global, European and Centro-European context." (Publisher description)
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"Kosovo’s overall score for the MSI dropped slightly this year, in comparison to its overall score of 2.56 in the previous year’s study. Despite this decline, Kosovo remains in the “near sustainability” classification. The 2019 chapter for Kosovo shows drops in the scores for the freedom of
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speech, professional journalism, and business management objectives, and moderate increases in plurality of news and supporting institutions. Panelists noted that while Kosovo enjoys good diversity in media, the steady shift away from traditional print media to the online environment has seen ethical standards diminish." (Page 3)
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"In a nutshell, the nascent print media of Ethiopia is in danger of a complete collapse. This is not the effect of the digital tsunami; it is primarily because of unprofessionalism and authoritarianism. Undoubtedly, the spread of mobile telephones and the Internet further endangers their existence.
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The price of newspapers and magazines has increased to 13 birr on average, which is expensive for many. That is partly why some readers prefer to rent for a few minutes. The more subtle reason for scanning rather than buying is disregard and distrust for the publications. The political environment is not conducive to allowing the public to enjoy a number of high quality media products. Private newspapers, magazines, radios and television stations tread very carefully. But the public’s hunger for a courageous press that gives informed analysis and accurate news is more evident than at any other time. That is why nearly every household installs satellite dishes to watch alternative media based outside of the country. Those are the only dissidents discussing hardcore political issues with no fear of harmful ramifications. Internet penetration is low, but surging. If the government liberalizes the telecoms sector in the near future, the flow of information could generate active citizens that will demand more freedom. However, the repression of recent years has followed Internet-based protest movement, leading to heavy censorship." (Conclusion)
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"Using structuration theory, assuming that every government has a stake in steering public communication and comparing 46 nation-states, this paper explores the major principles that can be used to explain different mass media structures around the globe. The study draws on extensive documentary ana
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lysis and includes more than 150 expert interviews. It shows that media freedom and journalists’ autonomy depend on not only the particular governmental system, the constitution, journalism education, and the existence of commercial media but also, to a significant extent, on economic realities, the tradition of press freedom, and various other factors that are historical, religious, and/or geographic. The tool to do so is a mass media system typology based on two dimensions: formal expectations and the state’s influence." (Abstract)
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"Media in small emerging democracies face multiple obstacles caused by “smallness” and the state of “late democratization.” “Smallness” raises the question of how to develop financial independence in these countries. “Late democratization” gives rise to the challenge of maintaining p
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olitical independence. In general, small emerging democracies lack an environment that can enable a culture of independent media. This study selected two Eastern European countries–Slovenia and Macedonia, with a population of about 2 million each, and two Asian countries–Bhutan and Timor-Leste, with populations of around 740,000 and 1.2 million respectively. They all emerged in the “Third Wave” of democratization and were characterized by features of underdeveloped political institutions, insufficient public discourse, and financial vulnerability according to the previous scholarly work. Based on literature review, the researcher found that smallness, along with confounding factors of national identity and economic context, shapes the way media policy is envisioned and developed [...] Using a mixed methodology of interview and documentary research, the researcher found that the reaction of small emerging democracies to the sudden social and political changes tended to have patterns, although they differed in the paths to democratization. Furthermore, the role of media as a watchdog is undermined by the financial dependence on the government of the day. With respect to media governance, the four countries are all marked by the hierarchical mode of governing. This casts light on the fact that media policy should be constructed with input from private sectors and civil societies. A conceptual framework provided by this study can work as an analytical tool for researchers who are interested in studying similar-sized countries." (Abstract)
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"These recommendations are given to media of all four countries as they are important for the development of media in all four countries: It is necessary to create stronger communications between NGOs and the media; to foster cooperation and trust between the civil society and the media; to act as a
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watchdog by exposing corruption and help to promote good governance and accountability by providing accurate, balanced and timely information that is of interest and relevance to the public; to carry out monitoring and advocacy work within state structures; give voice to powerless groups and put pressure on public authorities; to contribute to public engagement; to diversify the sources of information for news reports; to conduct vocational trainings for journalists on investigative journalism, data journalism, fact checking; to develop editorial policy and to follow it." (Recommendations, page 49)
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"This report presents the findings of a media environment assessment in Ethiopia led by International Media Support (IMS) within the context of the present socio-political developments in the country [...] The specific objective of the mission was to carry out an assessment of the media landscape in
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Ethiopia, and to delve into specific areas related to communication and community engagement in order to identify possible avenues for future media development activities by IMS. The assessment covers both the private and public media sector, centering on the restrictions and enabling factors for strengthening free, independent and professional media in Ethiopia." (Introduction)
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