"In social sciences, the interdependence between media systems and political systems is generally not in doubt. However, empirical knowledge about the relation between the two types of systems is rare. A deeper understanding can be gained by an international comparison of media and political systems
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from a macro perspective using aggregated data. The pilot study presented in this article offers an approach to international comparison based on four dimensions: freedom, diversity, centrality and tradition. These concepts serve as dimensions of comparison for both media - and political systems. The instrument is tested by using an intentionally heterogeneous sample of seven countries from around the world: China, Germany, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, Russia and the US. In combination with a pragmatic use of systems theory as a theoretical framework, the dimensions allow more profound insights into the relation between media and political systems. In sum, the research project prepares the ground for future international large-N comparisons." (Abstract)
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"This study draws together two bodies of work concerned with media pluralism, effectiveness, development and strengthening in the developing world. One is drawn from UNESCO’s global work on media assessment and impact indicators, the other from AusAID’s Pacific Media and Communications Facility
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(PMCF) Situational Analysis and Needs Assessment (SANA) of the Pacific media sector. Both highlight the role that the media sector can play in processes of development and change, in supporting more effective forms of government and realising human rights. To some extent, the vitality of the media sector itself is regarded as a proxy indicator for the presence of better governance." (Introduction)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"Cyrus Farivar explores the Internet's history and effects in four distinct and, to some, surprising societies—Iran, Estonia, South Korea, and Senegal. He profiles Web pioneers in these countries and, at the same time, surveys the environments in which they each work [...] Skype was invented in Es
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tonia—the same country that developed a digital ID system and e-voting; Iran was the first country in the world to arrest a blogger, in 2003; South Korea is the most wired country on the planet, with faster and less expensive broadband than anywhere in the United States; Senegal may be one of sub-Saharan Africa's best chances for greater Internet access." (Back cover)
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"Over the last five years, Mozambique has achieved significant improvements in the supporting infrastructure for developing and expanding media and ICTs. The expansion of the optical fibre services, and of access to fixed and mobile telephony and broadband Internet, have been instrumental in helping
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broadcasters extend coverage throughout the country. Mobile phone penetration currently covers 86.7 per cent of the population, including more isolated rural areas. The radio broadcasting subsector (public and community) is the most extensive in terms of both territorial and population coverage, while commercial television stations are also beginning to expand through the country and move beyond the urban centers. However, important constraints remain in this area, in particular: obsolete and insufficient transmission and production equipment in the public radio and television sector; poor quality electricity supply, especially in the districts; unreliable connectivity; shortage of technical capacity for maintenance and repairs to radio transmitters and studios; limited use and mastery of ICTs for producing and disseminating information; high costs for the air transport of newspapers; and poor distribution networks." (Conclusions, page 81)
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"This study assesses the impact of the African Charter on Broadcasting, a blueprint for broadcasting reform in Africa, approved in 2001 at a conference of media practitioners and freedom of expression advocates held in Windhoek, Namibia. The geographical focus of this study is five countries in West
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Africa - Ghana, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal. The purpose of the study is to contribute to the strengthening of pluralistic media and the democratization of communication in countries in transition in West Africa. Its observations and recommendations are also of relevance to those engaged more widely in media reform advocacy and democracy promotion as well as scholars of broadcasting law and policy." (Introduction, page 13)
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"Radio has been called ‘Africa’s medium’. Its wide accessibility is a result of a number of factors, including the liberalisation policies of the ‘third wave’ of democracy and its ability to transcend the barriers of cost, geographical boundaries, the colonial linguistic heritage and low l
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iteracy levels. This sets it apart from other media platforms in facilitating political debate, shaping identities and assisting listeners as they negotiate the challenges of everyday life on the continent. Radio in Africa breaks new ground by bringing together essays on the multiple roles of radio in the lives of listeners in Anglophone, Lusophone and Francophone Africa. Some essays turn to the history of radio and its part in the culture and politics of countries such as Angola and South Africa. Others – such as the essay on Mali, gender and religion – show how radio throws up new tensions yet endorses social innovation and the making of new publics. A number of essays look to radio’s current role in creating listening communities that radically shift the nature of the public sphere. Essays on the genre of the talk show in Ghana, Kenya and South Africa point to radio’s role in creating a robust public sphere. Radio’s central role in the emergence of informed publics in fragile national spaces is covered in essays on the Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia. The book also highlights radio’s links to the new media, its role in resistance to oppressive regimes such as Zimbabwe, and points in several cases – for example in the essay on Uganda – to the importance of African languages in building modern communities that embrace both local and global knowledge." (Publisher description)
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"This wide range of contemporary mass media research illustrates how Central Asia press outlets remain tightly controlled and manipulated, first under the czars, then under the Soviets, and now under authoritarian regimes. Over the past two decades, the press systems have not achieved even minimal d
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emocratization and independence by international standards. Perhaps the Internet and other technologies will have a better chance of circumventing censors and the economic obstacles that deny the great mass of Central Asians the ability to participate in a useful dialog leading to more transparent and participatory governance. Several overarching observations emerge from this synthesized examination of recent research. The five separate press systems that replaced the single Soviet system share many commonalities, although significant differences also exist. These studies indicate varying but not decisive degrees of external influences from multi-governmental entities, media-building foundations, and promoters of civil society; such influences on Central Asian media development originate with mostly Western-based journalism and mass media trainers. Another observation concerns regimes’ use and abuse of laws to control information about public affairs and public issues. That pattern evident from several studies reflects a disconnect between constitutional and statutory guarantees of press freedom on one side and actual threats to those guarantees on the other side due to libel and “honor and dignity” suits, criminal prosecutions, and tightening regulation of the Internet. Examined collectively, these studies suggest the following obstacles to democratic and independent media development in Central Asia: strict governmental and extra-governmental restraints on the press, regardless of the type of medium—print, broadcast, or Internet; inadequate professional training, leadership, resources, financial incentives, and ethical standards for journalists and prospective journalists; limitations on the ability of domestic and international press and human rights defenders to compel changes in policies and laws; insufficient market resources to create and sustain independent news organizations; and a resulting lack of credibility and public trust in the press." (Summary and conclusions, page 142)
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