"The lack of a consolidated government since the fall of Siyad Barre’s regime in 1991 has led to a proliferation in the number and variety of media sources in Somalia. However, inter-factional violence and conflict has since torn the country apart, creating a difficult environment for media practi
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tioners to work in. In the self-proclaimed autonomous state of Somaliland, relative political stability and cooperation from the community has created a potentially conducive environment to media development. However, a lack of international recognition has limited access to the financial assistance needed to strengthen the media sector outside of the public domain. Changes in university curricula and international initiatives have increased training options for journalists. More and more journalists are being trained in the basic skills and ethics of journalism which, as interviewees agree, has had a positive impact on the quality and quantity of information disseminated. Steady changes in production methods and content have increased the variety of programmes on TV and radio. Poverty and lack of infrastructure have limited the spread of TV and print in Somalia. Likewise, with low levels of literacy in Somalia, radio has the greatest reach, but stations remain concentrated in Mogadishu. An important change to the industry has been the formation of various journalistic trade unions, but journalists remain amongst some of the poorest paid in the world." (Summary & conclusions, page 77)
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"Changes have been gradual but the watershed was 1992/4 when the airwaves were liberalised, leading to the mushrooming of media institutions especially in the broadcasting area. In the past five years, the media in Uganda has become more vibrant, more liberated and there has been more freedom of exp
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ression overall. Opening up of media space led to the proliferation of private newspapers, private radio stations and private television stations, and the introduction and eager embrace of the Internet and mobile phones by many people. The horizon of news reporting has been widened to cover East Africa and the Great Lakes Region. There has been more diversity in what the media is reporting. The media has acquired prominence as one of the four pillars of governance. Investigative journalism has been improved, but there are many draconian laws on the books. Some are active but others lie dormant and may be activated at any time. There is a recognition by the media that there is a need to move their relations with government to a level that is more professional and more engaging, rather than accusing the latter simply of control and denial of access. More people are using the media as a tool for advocacy and development. Communities now actively participate in, and influence media programmes by contributing ideas." (Summary & conclusions, page 61)
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"While acknowledging that the situation is not entirely ideal, most of the interviewees believed a lot has been achieved in terms of the development of the media in Mozambique over the past five years. This was mainly due to relatively stable political conditions, underpinned by a liberal constituti
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on that enshrines media freedom and the freedom of expression as fundamental rights. In as far as press freedom is concerned, the Constitution is complemented by a Press Law that the interviewees in general considered to be fair, balanced and progressive, allowing for a diversity of views that play an important role in shaping public opinion. An informed public opinion is key for a political system that is deeply rooted in the people, and is in turn the basic condition for long-term stability, which in itself leads to sustainable social well-being and economic prosperity. It was interesting to note from the interviews that there is a general awareness of the important role of the mass media in Mozambique’s development process, and in the consolidation of the country’s nascent democracy. Despite this awareness, however, and although there is understanding of the need to develop the media, the issue has not been fully exploited either by government or by the donors. (Summary & conclusions, page 60)
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"The media sector in Ghana has witnessed some dramatic, positive changes over the past few years, made possible by the promulgation of the 1992 democratic Constitution and the election in 2000 of President Kufuor’s government. All interviewees agreed that democratisation and the repeal of the Crim
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inal Libel Law have been the most important changes for the media sector, allowing for an explosion in the number of media houses in Ghana. Training was identified as the single most important media development initiative in the individual interviewees’ areas of work." (Summary & conclusions, page 57)
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"Relevant changes in Angolan media were noticed in the press. Newspapers grew the most radios grew some, but TV did not grow at all. There are few new media development initiatives known in Angola. The greatest initiative, though still not in effect, is the new Media Law. The growth of the Sindicato
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dos Jornalistas de Angola (SJA) has seen the election of new management and the organisation has become very active in empowering journalists and defending their rights." (Summary & conclusions, page 47)
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"Overall, South Africa has a relatively vibrant and developing media environment. The 15 interviewees were involved in 37 media development initiatives between them. These development initiatives comprise the following: 12 training initiatives; nine advocacy initiatives; five research initiatives; t
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hree training media initiatives; two legal support initiatives; one award initiative; one grant making initiative; one conference; and, one revenue stream generation initiative [...] Through their experiences of designing, implementing and evaluating their media development initiatives, interviewees offer the following learning points regarding success. They stress the importance of strategic and long-term planning, of working with partners where possible, avoiding dependency on donors and taking the cultural context into account [...] Interviewees praised media development initiative donors for starting to seek advice about the real needs on the ground. However, interviewees feel that donors are falling short in the following ways: the withdrawal of funding from South Africa; the duplication of initiatives; conducting the wrong training; only providing short-term funding; being too prescriptive; and, not providing for core costs. According to the participating media professionals, the strategic priorities for media development are media management training, community participation, specialised reporting training and media monitoring." (Summary & conclusions, page 99-100)
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"The changes are mostly of a quantitative nature: proliferation of newspaper publications, an increase in the number of frequencies attributed to radio stations (commercial and community stations). Greater superficiality in the editorial lines of most newspaper publications has also been noted. The
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key projects examined included those run by: Panos Institute West Africa ALTERCOM; the Media Centre of Dakar; Génération TV and SYNPICS. Funding is one of the main weaknesses of the media sector of Senegal. The press support fund is very low. Funding of media activities is handled mostly by a few foundations, such as the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, and a few NGOs, such as OSIWA. Evaluation of media activities is a real problem in Senegal. The culture of evaluation is obviously missing in the endeavours of most of the organisations approached in this research. Actors are conscious of the problem and are developing initiatives to solve it. There are few exceptions to this rule, especially for those who believe that there is no progress without evaluation. Beyond financing matters, the success or lack of success of media development activities can be explained by state obstacles to the development of the media, training, professionalism and self-regulation, decriminalising press offences, media evaluation, and the involvement local of groups in community radio." (Summary & conclusions, page 68)
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"The past five years have seen a mushrooming of media development organisations and media outlets. The period has also seen greater and better-coordinated civic activism in support of media development. There has generally been a diversity of media content, reflecting the plurality of media outlets.
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There has been more legislative and policy change, although, in some cases, the state has proved to be a stumbling block in the implementation of the laws. There is evidence of a diversity of media development initiatives in Zambia – some of these are originated and financially supported by the media themselves while others are a partnership between media support organisations and donors. There is a need for the involvement of multiple actors in any media development initiative, as evidenced in the success of a multi-stakeholder campaign for legislative reforms and the withdrawal of VAT on newspapers and magazines. Media development activities need to have an inbuilt sustainability plan in order to have a lasting impact. Donor support needs to have less conditionality and promote the recipient’s independence and innovativeness." (Summary & conclusions, page 66)
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"There are a number of media players in Zimbabwe, in the private and state media, NGOs and training institutions, who have a keen interest in the development of the media in Zimbabwe. The majority of interviewees see the enactment of Zimbabwe’s media laws as the key change that has taken place ove
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r the past five years, although opinion differs as to whether these laws are progressive or not. While the government sees media laws as progressive, NGOs and the private media argue that these laws have diminished the democratic space through the closure of newspapers and the intimidation and arrest of media workers. Organisations in Zimbabwe have had to change strategy in line with the changing political and economic environment. The impact of media development initiatives varies, depending on the organisation or sector in question. In terms of the transformation of the state media (in particular the public broadcaster), minimal impact has been recorded." (Summary & conclusions, page 71)
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"There have been significant changes in the Botswanan media in the past five years. Some of the changes noted include the recent proliferation of newspapers and the partial freeing of the airwaves by the Botswanan government, which has led to the setting up of two new commercial radio stations. Ther
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e has been some improvement in the content and quality of reportage in various media. There have been changes in the legislative and regulatory framework prevailing in the country. More training opportunities have opened up and there is now professional development of journalists – especially following the establishment of the first and only journalism school in the form of the Media Studies Department in the Humanities Faculty of the University of Botswana. Before this, most journalists in Botswana were trained abroad, mainly in Australia, the UK, Canada, the USA, South Africa and various other African countries. Several NGOs in the country are also now involved in the mentoring and training of journalists and media workers at various levels. There have been developments in self-regulation, the establishment of media pressure groups, and a commitment to professionalism in the media – particularly with the establishment of the Press Council of Botswana, the Media Advisory Council and the Botswana Editors’ Forum." (Summary & conclusions, page 66)
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"The following changes have taken place over the past five years: media laws have been enacted; a legal framework is in place with the Press Law and Broadcast Law, and the creation of a favourable environment for media development; the Ethiopian Broadcast Authority has been established to issue lice
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nces for private broadcasters (though not enough); expansion of both state and private media – especially the increase in the number of papers, the opening of regional radio and community radio (though insignificant in number); expanded coverage of state media and an increase in the number of languages used; schools of journalism have opened in different universities; training institutes have been forced to upgrade their programmes, revise their syllabuses, and upgrade the quality of their teaching staff; some media institutions have begun to consider quality and diversity of content." (Summary & conclusions, page 69)
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"Nine of the 15 interviewees said the most important change in the media sector in the last five years has been the mix of deregulation/liberalisation/privatisation. Four interviewees said the newly democratic environment has been the key change. All interviewees agreed that media development in the
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past five years has had significant impact on their own area of work [...] Four key political and economic factors were identified as allowing for successful media development in Nigeria: the return to democracy; Nigerians’ desire for information; a better business environment; and, computer/Internet usage. In terms of the role of the state in media development, most felt the state cannot be relied upon to help all media, and will tend to support state-owned media. The donor community was applauded for its good work, but was urged to involve local people more, and to avoid imposing agendas." (Summary & conclusions, page 66-67)
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"On the whole, interviewees report both a positive quantitative and qualitative change in terms of the number and content of media messages. Liberalisation and more stable political climate has facilitated the opening up of the telecommunications sector, and has led to a diversification of the media
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industry. Community radio has proliferated and has brought many benefits, particularly in terms of enhancing participation and information provision to those living in remote areas. The establishment of a Press Congress and the High Authority for Media has created a more favourable environment for the media to development. The advent of national and international NGOs that promote peace, and defend freedom of information and of the press, has been important in supporting journalists who suffer repression. There has been a substantial increase in the number of further education institutions and courses that offer training in journalism and communication sciences. According to one interviewee, expanding digital telecommunications networks offer the greatest potential to improve communication and information provision across the country." (Summary & conclusions, page 73
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"This research initiative assessed the key media changes and developments in seventeen African countries over the past five years and aimed at recommending intervention strategies for strengthening an independent, professional media sector. The summary report presents the main findings regarding med
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ia landscapes, media legislation, media technology and equipment, journalism training and principles of media development. According to this publication "substantial evidence is provided that points to: non-sustainable and short-term approaches to projects; disconnected programmes; unneccesary competition amongst donors; and, consequently wasted investment of donor funds" (Page 15). In addition, individual country reports have been released, written by renowned African media specialists and researchers. They include: Angola, Botswana, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Each country report consists of three sections: 1) Media sector developments, 2) Challenges for future media development activities, 3) Case study: illustrating good practice in media development." (commbox)
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"After interviewing numerous media experts and reviewing all available information, the media assessment team recommends additional donor support for media as part of an overall approach to promoting democracy and governance. The team recommends a comprehensive media assistance program that focuses
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on the key areas of a) improving professional skills and capacity; b) enhancing media management skills across the sector; c) building awareness/advocacy with respect to key media law and regulatory issues; and d) augmenting the media's ability to reach populations outside Dili." (Executive summary)
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"Instead of limiting ourselves to an enumeration of the obstacles to pluralism, we tried to push the analysis further, proposing draft solutions to problems raised, in a realistic way. The democratic debate today can not be limited to the political arena only, by turning up one’s nose at the debat
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e on the media, especially at television pluralism, as in a kind of conspiracy of silence by politicians in power or in the opposition. Our inner conviction is that there can be no democracy in this twenty-first century without audiovisual democracy. Unless Africa, persisting in its denial of development or having opted for backwardness, by afro-pessimism, is not yet mature for any kind of pluralism. Which is obviously not the case, because Africa is already embracing television pluralism, something which, to quote a famous retort, is too serious to be left solely in the hands of politicians. The real challenge is and remains that of professionalism and economic viability." (introduction, page 15)
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"The reorganisation of radio broadcasting in the five Arab countries we have looked at is a slow, unequal, up-and-down and unfinished process. It is unfinished in that some states (Egypt and Syria), still have not published the conditions for awarding broadcasting licenses, even though some independ
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ent stations have received authorisation. The beneficiary stations thus have no real legal status, but are private businesses broadcasting music, and refraining from broadcasting news. The stations seem to be of most benefit to businessmen close to the authorities, and are more a part of the process of State privatisation than media democratisation. There is a general lack of transparency, and very little information is available about these radio stations. Journalists know little about the shareholders, working conditions in the stations and how they are organised. The legal vacuum will no doubt eventually be filled in these two countries. But, for the time being, radio broadcasting in Egypt and Syria remains totally under the control of the authorities. Lebanon is a special case. By allowing radio and television stations to be privately owned, Lebanon has essentially brought an existing state of affairs within the law, since these independent stations did not wait for the 1996 law to be passed before going on the air. Nevertheless, the various attempts to prevent religious interests from controlling the media have so far failed, and the political stations are a direct mirror of the country’s religious polarities. Every political/religious party has its own radio station (and television channel), which it uses to support its political choices. And the only non-religious station, Sawt Al-Shab, is close to the Lebanese Communist Party. Despite their vulnerability, the Palestinian and Jordanian experiments are without doubt the most promising. The legal framework is restrictive, in these two countries, but the privatelyowned stations are pushing back the boundaries of news broadcasting, are helping to render the media more autonomous, and introducing a relative degree of democracy in the field of information. But these experiments remain dependent on the unstable political context and resulting legal restrictions. The new legislation is more favourable to entertainment stations and benefits businessmen close to the authorities, leaving little space for civil society radio projects to develop." (Conclusion, page 42)
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