"In the evolving landscape of communication technology, the interplay between media and collective identity becomes crucial due to its ability to shape the socio-political dynamics of nations. This article aims to address the role of collective identity construction in Russian state media, arguing t
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hat it is a highly manipulated process in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine that aims to shape the way the events are perceived by the Russian population. Through narrative analysis, the article aims to explore how the subject of Russian collective identity is constructed in the political talk show Evening with Vladimir Solovyov during the timeframe of one and a half years starting from the beginning of the full-scale war in Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The identified narratives constitute a complex structure that contributes to the construction of a particular Russian collective identity. While addressing different themes, overall, they shape public perceptions towards uniting individuals around particular ideas beneficial to the state and legitimising the actions of the Russian regime." (Abstract)
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"Visuals hold a special place in the field of communication. Politicians, in a move to position themselves or market their activities, use visuals that stand as a testimony to their principles. However, their importance and value in political communication are not highly reflected in academic litera
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ture. This article is built from this understudied field by looking at the role photojournalists play in framing opposition political parties in Zimbabwe. Photographs are important tools in politics as evidenced by experimental research on political communication that found that ‘a single photograph can have a clear impact on voters’ judgements regarding a candidate’s demeanour, competence, leadership ability, attractiveness, likeableness, and integrity’. This study seeks to analyse photographs that were used by photojournalists to frame the newly formed political party, amidst the power struggles within the party, and political repression from the authoritarian regime. Informed by visual framing, the study found that photojournalists framed Nelson Chamisa as youthful and vibrant while his party was seen as resembling the new dawn. However, photographs also showed that Chamisa and his party had nothing to offer as they did not have a constitution, guiding policy nor a clear ideology." (Abstract)
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"[...] this paper presents approximately 30 worldwide examples of successful AI use to promote various aspects of democracy. At the same time, the corresponding challenges that need to be addressed are highlighted. From the examination of international examples, the following theses can be derived:
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AI systems can promote all aspects of democracy in a similar way; the use of AI systems for democracy requires the functioning of democratic structures; focus not only on generative AI: significant advantages can also come from processing and identifying AI systems; AI systems that promote democracy must be particularly comprehensible and transparent; AI systems facilitate participation but do not enable it; AI systems can make large amounts of data usable—for both citizens and the state; AI must be considered in the context of existing digitalization processes; not everything that AI systems can do is desired in a democracy." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines political communication and media trust in the age of generative artificial intelligence systems (AI). Firstly, it provides a brief explainer of generative AI tools and techniques, looking separately at systems that generate text and those that generate or manipulate images, vi
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deos and audio. By reference to real-world examples, the paper then surveys the ways in which generative AI systems have recently been used by political actors, distinguishing between three different use-cases: political campaigning, entertainment and disinformation campaigns. Building on this empirical analysis, the paper distils important insights for policymakers, which highlight the need to: refrain from falsely labelling content as AI-generated to avoid overstating the technical capabilities and persuasive power of those spreading disinformation; acknowledge the multimodality of threats posed by generative AI, in particular voice-generation; delimit fair-use cases of generative AI for political campaigning, given these technologies are already widely used for legitimate political communication purposes; raise awareness of how seemingly non-political uses of generative AI can be exploited for politics, in particular the creation of non-consensual intimate content. This is followed by an evaluation of emerging technical and policy solutions, namely the detection and labelling of deepfakes as well as the development of systems to certify content authenticity and provenance. The section concludes with a discussion of the emerging legal landscape, including the European Union’s AI Act." (Executive summary)
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"Despite the increasing number of studies examining the conflicts between the media and populist leaders, understanding how such clashes prompt shifts in journalism norms and practices remains to be thoroughly explored. Based on a literature review and the discussion of an extensive array of example
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s characterizing the Brazilian media setting, this article provides a qualitative assessment of how Jair Bolsonaro's rhetoric and actions have triggered a “critical incident” in our mainstream journalism. We consider four dimensions currently experiencing transformations: the media's (1) institutional responses and campaigns, (2) production of the news, (3) production of editorials, and (4) how media professionals have reacted to populist attacks. There is evidence that journalism has increasingly become a central topic in news texts. We have also cataloged changes in news production routines (e.g., the editors’ hesitancy to send reporters to cover some political events), the use of editorials to reinforce metajournalistic discourses, and shifts in how professionals make sense of their work. Our findings contribute to the broader literature by investigating how traditional borders and values of journalism are renegotiated during institutional crises. In addition, our analytical framework can be applied to other media settings experiencing similar tensions and help underpin the construction of empirical variables to understand meaningful changes in the field. Lastly, this study considers the possible effects that change in norms, routines, and practices can have on the democratic roles of journalism." (Abstract)
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"[...] L’objectif de ce mémoire de DEA était de démontrer la manière dont les journalistes construisent leurs identités lorsqu’ils analysent l’actualité de la semaine sur le plateau de Télé 50. Nous avons considéré l’émission ayant fait objet d’analyse, de discours médiatique.
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C’est pour cela, nous l’avons analysée sous plusieurs facteurs partant des considérations théoriques allant dans le sens du débat télévisé et de l’analyse conversationnelle issue des dynamiques interactionnelles amenant à la construction identitaire des protagonistes. [...] Après l’analyse de l’épisode, nous avons conclu que la visée dominante de l’émission était de faire surgir une vérité, informer voire révéler et pousser les protagonistes à dévoiler leurs positionnements à travers leurs discours. Nous avons retenu dans cette analyse, au regard des identités construites, quatre positionnements des journalistes Kinois. Le premier positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-pouvoir ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des gouvernants. Le deuxième positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-opposition ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des opposants congolais. Le troisième positionnement est celui de ceux des centristes, ceux qui s’efforcent de demeurer Église au milieu du village. Ils ne travaillent pas pour des intérêts partisans mais pour l’intérêt supérieur du public et le bien-être social. Le dernier positionnement est marqué par les journalistes qui sont en quête de positionnement c’est-à-dire ceux qui ne se sont pas encore situés par rapport au régime actuel caractérisé par une mosaïque des partis politiques pro-pouvoir." (Conclusion generale, pages 175-178)
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"En septembre 2022, suite à l'assassinat d'une jeune fille kurde iranienne par les patrouilles d'orientation, l'Iran connaît des mois de soulèvements contre le régime. Si ces derniers adoptent de nouvelles formes de contestation, ils sont causés par les mêmes injustices que les précédents mo
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uvements sociaux dans le pays. Ces formes nouvelles ont eu un écho médiatique sans précédent dans le monde. Ce travail de recherche tente de comprendre et d'analyser comment la presse française a couvert ces soulèvementsIl s'interroge sur le cadrage médiatique qui en a été fait afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure cette couverture reflète les préoccupations de l'espace public français et comment elle participe à la construction d'une réalité journalistique." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"L'irruption du numérique et de l'Internet mobile a accéléré la transformation digitale de la société ivoirienne. Et, de plus en plus, des formes d'engagement politique et médiatique s'organisent avec l'utilisation des technologies socionumériques. Face à ces changements, la Côte d'Ivoire
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devra relever les défis de la recherche, du développement des infrastructures digitales et du renforcement du capital humain. Cet ouvrage revient sur l'usage des technologies socionumériques dans les campagnes électorales, les mobilisations citoyennes et les mutations médiatiques, et relève les enjeux de l'Open Data dans la perspective d'une gouvernance transparente. Il s'adresse aux étudiants en communication, aux enseignants-chercheurs, aux professionnels de la communication, aux décideurs politiques ainsi qu'aux lecteurs désireux de comprendre l'intégration évolutive des technologies socionumériques dans les pratiques de communication et, surtout, dans un cadre nécessaire de valeurs et de normes visant leur régulation." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Cet ouvrage propose de comprendre ce qui se joue dans la communication politique. Celle-ci doit laisser place à l'expression des conflits et des désaccords, ce qui permet de renégocier le pacte civil. Dans cette perspective, force est de constater que la démocratie est avant tout un espace dél
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ibératif « polémique » nourri de toutes les formes de contestation. Elle doit donc se penser comme la mise en scène d'une certaine conflictualité. La communication politique est alors le moyen pour les citoyens de la mettre en scène et par là de conférer à leurs relations une certaine stabilité. Ce qui se construit ici, au travers de la délibération publique et de la dispute, c'est bien une pluralité nouvelle qui peut transformer les acteurs-citoyens et leurs façons d'être ensemble. Moins qu'une menace, la délibération publique même et surtout conflictuelle constitue une opportunité, pour la société, d'accéder à la liberté." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"This book explores how unresolved questions of social justice shape the character of the political terrain and political actors, through the lens of social media. It treats communication as the medium through which social issues and processes are made visible. Given the rise and spread of populist
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politics, the views of ordinary people on social issues have never mattered more. One platform through which these voices can be studied extensively is social media. Platforms such as Facebook, Twitter now X, YouTube, and Instagram, among others, afford ordinary citizens-often marginalized by traditional mainstream media-space to vent their opinions, engage in discussions of whatever topic, share information and ideas, and explore various kinds of information as well as data, links to which are often provided through various macro and micro discursive spaces therein. Arguably, therefore, social media have become a quintessential platform for studying contemporary sociality. Social media must be studied not just as a communication platform, but one through which the social world, social processes and social issues are made visible and, in some cases, enacted. With rich case studies from the Global South, and a particular focus on Africa, this collection does just that." (Publisher description)
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"This volume presents an analytical and empirical overview of the array of issues that the Mexican media faces in the post-authoritarian age, which jointly explains how a partially accomplished democracy, its authoritarian inertias, and its unintended consequences hinder the democratic performance o
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f the media. This is analyzed from three points of view: the stalemate Mexican media system and ineffective regulations, the conditions of risk and insecurity of the journalists on the field, and the limits of freedom of expression, political substance, and inclusiveness of media content. A binational effort, with research from US and Mexican authors, a wide analytic perspective is provided on the macro, meso, and micro levels, allowing for a deep conceptual richness and a comprehensive understanding of the Mexican case. With leading researchers in the field, the volume revolves around the problems of the media in post-authoritarian democracies. By answering the questions of how and why the Mexican media has not fully democratized, the works encompassed here can resonate with and are relevant to other post-authoritarian countries and academic disciplines." (Publisher description)
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"Durante año y medio, la FLIP y Linterna Verde monitoreamos la conversación que giró alrededor del periodismo y le pusimos la lupa a tres momentos virales para entender qué hay detrás de cada ataque digital: El conocido hashtag #CaracolMiente, que surgió después de que el presidente Gustavo P
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etro trinara repetidamente que la información difundida por Noticias Caracol era falsa. Un análisis sobre 20 mil tuits evidencia coordinación en el uso de #CaracolMiente además de un patrón recurrente: la mayoría de las cuentas involucradas tenían una base pequeña de seguidores y mostraban una elevada actividad de retuits con contenido favorable al Gobierno.
En un segundo acto, el presidente Petro acusó a un supuesto "grupo poderoso" de querer destruir su gobierno, llamándolo "prensa Mossad". Al día siguiente, utilizó esa expresión en X para referirse a la periodista María Jimena Duzán, quien había publicado un artículo que criticaba una irregularidad en su administración relacionada con el hermano de Laura Sarabia. El 26 de junio, el término "Mossad" registró más de 8.600 menciones en X, 28 veces más que el promedio.
El tercer caso ocurrió durante un evento en Nuquí, cuando el presidente Petro acusó a las periodistas de promover narrativas que criminalizan la protesta legítima, calificándolas como "muñecas de la mafia". Se detonaron casi 300 mil menciones de tal término entre ese día hasta el 5 de septiembre. Y aunque hubo respaldo hacia las periodistas, la conversación en X giró alrededor de críticas, descalificaciones e insultos hacia las profesionales de comunicaicón.
Por otro lado, y analizando los ataques y de su impacto en la libertad de expresión podemos decir que la fuente de estos ataques, en Latinoamérica, proviene principalmente del Estado o de políticos; hay una prevalencia en los ataques en línea a nivel mundial que resultan en agresiones físicas, persecución judicial o incluso el asesinato, y particularmente, las periodistas mujeres enfrentan ataques contra su reputación, especialmente aquellos basados en género y por su orientación sexual."
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"A dos años de su mandato, la relación del presidente Gustavo Petro con la prensa ha estado marcada por la descalificación y la desconfianza en los medios de comunicación y en periodistas que considera incómodos. En contraste, su Gobierno creó nuevos canales de comunicación oficial y aumentó
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el presupuesto del sistema de medios público. De manera intermitente ha enviado señales —que no terminan de concretarse— de querer fortalecer a los medios alternativos y comunitarios, y ha incluido a influencers en su estrategia de comunicación. A diferencia de la actitud del presidente Iván Duque hacia la prensa —quien dividió el panorama mediático entre "amigos" y "enemigos" durante un periodo marcado por protestas contra sus políticas y su manejo de la crisis del COVID-19–, el actual Jefe de Estado considera que los medios de mayor influencia son adversarios políticos y prefiere comunicarse por X." (Página 5)
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"Saad Mohseni, chairman and CEO of Moby Group, Afghanistan's largest media company, charts a twenty-year effort to bring a free press to his country after years of Taliban rule, and how that effort persists even after the Taliban's return to power in 2021. In the heady early days of the American occ
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upation, Mohseni returns to Kabul which he had last seen as a child before the Soviet invasion. Casting about for ways to be involved in the dawn of a new Afghanistan, Mohseni makes what seems like a quixotic decision to leave the comforts of a career in international banking to start a Kabul radio station with his three siblings. This unlikely venture quickly blossoms into a burgeoning television empire, bringing Mohseni and his family and employees into sometimes uncomfortable contact with everyone who has a stake in the country-from the government of Hamid Karzai to White House officials. Moreover, their radio and television networks soon become a necessary beacon for millions of Afghans, who rely on them not just for independent news but for joyful pleasures like soap operas and Afghan Star, a beloved national singing competition in a country whose previous rulers had banned (and would again ban) music. Mohseni's position at Moby affords him unique insights into this extraordinary yet troubled country, the youngest in the world outside of Sub-Saharan Africa, and his powerful account captures the spirit and resilience of the Afghan people-notably the hundreds of men and women still working in Moby's Kabul office today, who, once again under Taliban rule, create programs, report the news, and educate the public. Radio Free Afghanistan is a stunning, vibrant portrait of a nation in turmoil, poised between despair and hope." (Publisher description)
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