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Information Manipulation in Sudan: A Baseline Assessment of Actors, Narratives and Tactics

Aida Al-Kaisy, Amal Hamdan

Thomson Foundation (2026), 81 pp.

"The destruction of Sudan’s established information infrastructure at the outset of the conflict in April 2023 has created an environment where systematic information manipulation and disinformation campaigns now flourish unchecked. This has intersected with increasing systematic information manip ... more

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No Signal, no Voice: How Internet Shutdowns Undermined Uganda’s 2026 Elections
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Kampala: Unwanted Witness; Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET) (2026), 55 pp.

"This report finds that significant, deliberate, and centrally coordinated internet disruptions occurred before, during, and after Uganda’s January 2026 general elections. Contrary to public assurances issued by government officials in the weeks preceding polling, access to the internet was progre ... more

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Disinformation in Georgia

Koba Turmanidze (ed.)

Caucasus Analytical Digest, issue 145 (2026), 24 pp.

"One highly at-risk cluster is defined by socio-economic and geographic disadvantages. Vulnerability is greater among women, rural residents, and those with lower education and income, according to Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani. The authors further highlight that women living in rural areas with lower ... levels of education and income are collectively most at risk, as assessed by their ability to recognize information correctly. Similarly, Atchaidze and Fabos found that individuals living in rural settlements and those with lower reported income were most likely to receive low scores on the media literacy index, often inaccurately identifying answers as true or false, particularly on themes related to EU integration. A critical finding regarding vulnerability relates to ethnic minorities. The study by Atchaidze and Fabos demonstrated a clear media literacy divide, reporting that ethnic Azerbaijanis and ethnic Armenians scored far lower on the media literacy index compared to ethnic Georgians. These groups’ struggle to accurately assess politically relevant information makes them prime targets for false narratives. Political and ideological factors are also strong predictors of susceptibility. Crucially, politically unaffiliated individuals (nonpartisans or those declining to disclose party affiliation) are the most vulnerable group, reporting the lowest rates of fact-checking and the lowest accuracy in evaluating information, as demonstrated by Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani. Conversely, Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani note that partisan attachment, particularly among opposition supporters, can foster heightened vigilance, leading to greater skepticism and accuracy. Furthermore, subscription to conspiratorial beliefs significantly increases susceptibility to manipulation. Bandzeladze and Chkhetiani found that belief in narratives, such as the state-sponsored “Global War Party,” substantially undermines the ability to distinguish truth from falsehood. The analysis by Chkhetiani delves deeper into the profile of believers in this specific state-driven narrative, noting that men, older citizens (aged 55 and older), the unemployed or self-employed, pro-government TV consumers, and especially supporters of the Georgian Dream party are consistently more receptive to these conspiratorial narratives. This belief system is potent because the state-sponsored Global War Party theory channels diffuse suspicion into a coherent, anti-Western geopolitical attitude. The work of Kobaladze and Gagunashvili explains the mechanism by which such narratives are strategically constructed and disseminated through a “pre-suasion” strategy—framing the West as an enemy and discrediting civil society organizations months in advance—thereby preparing these vulnerable segments of the public to accept controversial legislation, such as the Law on the Transparency of Foreign Influence. These intersecting vulnerabilities—where low objective media literacy meets political disengagement and the acceptance of state-sponsored conspiracy theories—create a fertile environment for manipulation. This collective insight underscores the critical gap between public awareness of disinformation as a threat and the actual media literacy skills necessary to resist it effectively." (Page 2) more

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Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview
Deep Insights

Sanela Hodžic, Sandra B. Hrvatin

Sarajevo; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 57 pp.

"The results of the research conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey suggest that the key determinants for the future of our media and democracies are the following: • The poor socio-economic status of journalists and their exposure to ... pressure and attacks, coupled with modest support mechanisms, cripple the ability of journalists to promote the public interest, report on key issues of public interest, and hold power to account. In the most extreme cases, the pressure involves imprisonment, interrogation, surveillance, and lawsuits aimed at silencing journalists. • The lack of consistent monitoring and registration of cases of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP) in the region, with dozens of lawsuits against journalists filed by political officials and their affiliates. • A growing number or media outlets, but a declining number of journalism students, highlighting concerns about the future shrinking of staff numbers in media newsrooms and about the growing automatization of journalism. The most drastic drop was in North Macedonia, with the number of journalism students in 2023 amounting to only 11% of the number from ten years ago and 50% of the number from 2000. • The number of media outlets is growing, mostly in the online sector, while print media outlets are becoming increasingly endemic. • A worrying trend of overt concentration of media ownership in the hands of a few media conglomerates, often tied to national or foreign governments, that takes a toll on media freedom and pluralism. • The dominant instrumentalization (through ownership and funding) of media (including private and public) for particular political and/or business interests limits the space for editorial independence and integrity. • Non-profit media are still a rarity in the region, with only a few non-profit radio broadcasters in some countries, and an unknown number of online platforms of civil society organizations with a community-focused mission. • Lack of transparency of the media sector, particularly a lack of accessible and reliable information concerning the media industry and the media market. • Advertising is the main source of revenues in the media sector, with the total revenues ranging between EUR 12 million in Montenegro and over EUR 4 billion in Turkey. • Although it is declining, the TV sector is still dominant in terms of its share of advertising revenues, while social media’s share is increasing, and in Turkey it amounts to as much as 45.7% of advertising revenues. • The tech giants such as Google and Meta are an increasingly dominant competitor for media outlets in the region, jeopardizing the future sustainability of national and local media outlets and potentially curbing political pluralism in public communication. • Public funding for the media, including funding of public broadcasters (declining in four out of seven countries), grants, and subsidies for media outlets and government advertising, amounts to several to dozens of millions of euros per country, taking up an important share of media revenues, but without proactive transparency, effective guarantees of editorial independence, well-defined purpose and evaluation, the opportunities to make public funding for the media an important instrument of media democratization remain under-used. • The representation of different age, gender, ethnic, religious, and other groups in media content and in the newsrooms’ staff is limited. In multiethnic communities some policies promote ethnic diversity of media content, while other identity axes are largely neglected and pluralism in public communication is very limited. Women are an important, and in many countries even dominant, workforce in the media, but remain underrepresented in managerial posts." (Executive summary) more

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Global Communication and Propaganda

Richard C. Vincent

In: Global Communication: A Multicultural Perspective

Yahya R. Kamalipour (ed.)

Lanham et al.: Rowman & Littlefield (2025), pp. 153-198

"Propaganda involves the persuasive communication process to influence and convert individuals and the public at large, directly or implicitly, through the use of purposively chosen and partial, or even fabricated, disinformation [...] Regarding the understanding of propaganda, the first mistake is ... more

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Gesellschaftliche Teilhabe und Meinungsbildung auf Twitch: Von einer reinen Gaming-Plattform zum Ort für politischen Austausch?

Viola Carolina Granow

Media Perspektiven, issue 15 (2025), 16 pp.

"42 Prozent der 14- bis 40-Jährigen in Deutschland nutzen Twitch mindestens selten. Die Twitch-User sind überwiegend männlich und zum größten Teil zwischen 21 und 30 Jahren alt. Gaming ist meist der erste Berührungspunkt mit Twitch. Auf der Plattform stehen Content-Creator und ihre Livestreams ... more

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La communication des gouvernants en Afrique à l'ère des technologies de l'information et de la communication

K. Holonou Danklou

Paris: L'Harmattan (2025), 237 pp.

"Ce livre analyse la communication politique des gouvernants africains, un levier crucial pour asseoir leur légitimité. Il montre l’influence des héritages coloniaux, de la diversité culturelle et des contextes locaux sur cette communication. Dans les régimes autoritaires, elle sert à contr ... more

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Media Bias, Legislative Challenges, and the Fight for Freedom. The Future of the Media in Serbia – Facts and Trends

Valentina Sigeti, Teodora Koledin

Sarajevo; Novi Sad; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Novi Sad School of Journalism; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 50 pp.

"Alongside the rise of new technologies and the evolving global conditions in the media industry, journalism and media in Serbia will face numerous challenges, particularly in the areas of basic media freedom and journalist protection, based on the findings of this research: • There is no reliable ... data on the number of journalists in Serbia, or how many of them are women or members of marginalized groups. • Media ownership in Serbia is highly concentrated, particularly in the television broadcasting sector, which affects media reporting. Channels with national frequencies often align their narratives with the government’s or ruling party’s agenda. • The state and ruling party demonstrate tendencies to control the media. This is evident in the newly updated law that allows business companies engaged in electronic communications, such as the state-owned Telekom, to own media outlets. Additionally, findings indicate that some media owners at the local level are connected to the ruling party. • Media financing is often misused to encourage biased reporting. Public calls for funding are corrupted by GONGO media organizations, which prioritize funding pro-government outlets; state advertising is not regulated by law, and the media community was left out of the discussion on new advertising laws; despite receiving the majority of its budget from citizens’ subscriptions, the national public broadcaster RTS is still perceived as one of the most progovernment outlets in the country; foreign donors, including the EU, US and UK, provide significant financial support for media projects in Serbia, but there is no transparent data on the total amount of money donated. • National minorities are represented through media outlets funded by National Councils of National Minorities. However, journalists from some of these media outlets work under political pressures and engage in self-censorship. National minorities living in the northern province of Serbia, Vojvodina, are also served by the provincial public broadcaster RTV. RTS does not provide content in the languages of the Bosnian, Vlach and Bulgarian communities in Serbia’s eastern and western regions. Romani and Albanian communities are represented on RTS, but the amount of content is minimal. • Television is the most commonly used source of news and information, with citizens watching up to eight hours of television daily. The most-watched TV news programmes are central-informative political shows on channels with national frequencies, which are widely considered pro-government. • Only 30% of Serbian citizens trust the media. Social media is the least trusted media type, while television is the most trusted." (Executive summary) more

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Democratic Decline, Economic and Political Pressures, Urgency for Reforms. The Future of the Media in Turkey – Facts and Trends

Sinem Aydinli

Sarajevo; Istanbul; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Bianet; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 39 pp.

"The state of the media and democracy in Turkey faces critical challenges that hinder freedom of expression and pluralism, due to restrictive legal frameworks, economic instability, and cross-ownership in the media sector. Although digitalization has transformed news consumption, the government’s ... more

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The politics of serial television fiction: Structural developments, narrative themes, and the nonlinear turn

Sebastian Naumann

Bielefeld: transcript Verlag (2025), 431 pp.

"Fictional TV politics played a pivotal role in the popular imaginaries of the 2010s across cultures. Examining this curious phenomenon, Sebastian Naumann provides a wide-ranging analysis of the rapidly evolving landscape of contemporary polit-series. Proposing a novel structural model of serial tel ... more

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Media Capture in Africa and Latin America: Power and Resistance

Hayes Mawindi Mabweazara, Bethia Pearson (eds.)

Cham: Palgrave Macmillan (2025), xliii, 388 pp.

"How can current debates on ‘media capture’ be understood within the contexts of Africa and Latin America? This edited collection provides a nuanced exploration of media capture—a critical yet contested concept that examines and illuminates how media can become skewed in favour of power—whil ... more

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Declaration on the necessity of culture and media as a safeguard for our European democracies

Council of the European Union (2025), 4 pp.

"This declaration serves as a reminder that culture, cultural heritage and media policies must be a vital part of the European collaboration and European security in order to protect our democracies. We commit to upholding cultural diversity, artistic freedom and supporting media pluralism and freed ... more

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Eroding Media Freedoms, Eroding Democracy. The Future of the Media in Bosnia and Herzegovina – Facts and Trends

Anida Sokol

Sarajevo; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 37 pp.

"Significant changes in journalism and the media have been unfolding in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), yet these shifts have not been accompanied by adequate policies or interventions. This report outlines key trends affecting journalism, media usage, and democracy, highlighting issues crucial for th ... e future of the profession: • The number of journalism students has significantly decreased over the past decade, a trend which could lead to a shortage of qualified professionals in the long run. • Although unemployment among journalists has declined in recent years, 2023 saw a considerable number of journalists lose their jobs due to the non-renewal of fixed-term contracts or being deemed surplus labour. Unionizing remains unpopular among journalists in the country and without protection mechanisms, journalism in BiH risks becoming even more unstable. • Reports of attacks and violations of journalists’ rights have increased in recent years, reflecting a decline in BiH’s rankings on media freedom indexes. • Despite rapid technological advancements, including the emergence of generative artificial intelligence, the media lack guidelines for their use or studies addressing potential abuses in the media. This absence of regulation and oversight increases the risk of misuse and potential harm. • While regulatory and self-regulatory mechanisms exist, they fail to tackle a core issue in the media: biased reporting, which risks becoming normalized in journalistic practices. • The digital era has brought a proliferation of media outlets, including new television channels. The growth of media outlets does not necessarily improve media pluralism, but could lead to smaller newsrooms, increased workloads of journalists and less quality journalistic content. • Print media has been on the decline, and the country’s major political weekly magazines have ceased publication. Without strategic interventions, print media operations will be difficult to sustain in the future. • Media ownership transparency remains unregulated further aggravating media capture. Media outlets are predominantly owned by companies or individuals with business interests beyond the media sector. • The advertising market has grown slightly in recent years, likely influenced by inflation. However, it remains insufficient to support the growing number of media outlets, posing challenges to financial sustainability. • Television still dominates advertising revenue, but online media’s share is steadily increasing, signalling that digital marketing will become increasingly dominant in the coming years. • Public budgets and donor support remain important for sustaining media operations. Without proper regulation, financing from public budgets, however, bring risks to media independence. • Media primarily serve the interests of the three major ethnic groups, excluding minorities from decision-making roles and positions in mainstream outlets, limiting media pluralism." (Executive summary) more

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Critical analysis of media discourse and the politics of self-censorship in Afghanistan

Abdul Wahab Rahimi, Zakir Shah, Jianping Lu

Discourse & Communication, volume 19, issue 4 (2025), pp. 676-697

"This study analyzes the role of discursive strategies in the politics of self-censorship in Afghanistan, where political pressure, and independent media work together, and language plays a crucial role in implementing these strategies. Critical Discourse Analysis is used to explore the connection b ... more

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Tackling Disinformation, Information Manipulation and Interference in Four African Elections
Deep Insights

Dani Madrid-Morales, Herman Wasserman, Nicola Davies-Laubscher, Fatoumata Sow

Mapping Electoral Disinformation inAfrica (MEDiA); Centre for Information Integrity in Africa (CIIA); Stellenbosch University (2025), 58 pp.

"In recent years, electoral disinformation has followed several recurring patterns globally, many of which were observed in the case studies analysed in this report. One prominent tactic is attacks on electoral integrity, where political actors spread false claims about voter registration, election ... rigging, or external interference to delegitimise outcomes. As we show in this report, in the DRC, for example, rumours circulated that biometric voter registration was designed to expose individuals’ HIV status, discouraging participation. In South Africa, disinformation networks falsely claimed that the Electoral Commission (IEC) was manipulating results to favour the ruling party, fueling distrust in the electoral process. Another trend is the weaponisation of ethnic and gendered disinformation. In Kenya, misleading narratives framed certain candidates as “foreign-sponsored outsiders” to undermine their legitimacy, while in Senegal, false claims about morality were used to discredit opposition figures. Meanwhile, gendered disinformation—targeting women candidates with sexist tropes and false accusations—was a recurring feature in all four countries, reflecting a broader global pattern in which women in politics are disproportionately subjected to online abuse and misinformation. Social media platforms have been central to the spread of electoral disinformation. Across Africa, as in much of the world, platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, and X (formerly Twitter) have served as primary vehicles for the rapid dissemination of falsehoods, often facilitated by coordinated inauthentic behaviour. Data that we present in the report shows that, in South Africa, paid “nano-influencers”—individuals with small but loyal online followings—were mobilised to amplify misleading narratives in favour of specific political actors, demonstrating how disinformation strategies are evolving in response to changing digital landscapes. [...] In response to these findings, the report makes several key recommendations. First, it calls for greater cross-platform coordination among CSOs, fact-checking groups, and election monitors to ensure realtime responses to emerging disinformation threats. Second, it highlights the importance of media and digital literacy programmes among all age groups, including young voters, some of whom are often the most active on social media but may lack the skills to critically assess the credibility of information they encounter. Third, it urges greater transparency and accountability from technology platforms, which remain the primary distribution channels for electoral disinformation but have done little to curb its spread in African electoral contexts. Ultimately, electoral disinformation is not simply a digital challenge—it is a fundamental governance issue that shapes public perceptions of legitimacy and democratic participation. Evidence from the four elections in Africa that we examine in this report demonstrates that countering disinformation requires a multi-stakeholder approach that includes journalists, civil society actors, election commissions, and policymakers working collaboratively to strengthen information integrity and electoral transparency. The findings in this report offer both a diagnosis of the current disinformation landscape and a framework for more effective, evidence-based responses that can help safeguard future elections from manipulation." (Pages 9-10) more

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Deprived Media Market, Lw Ethical Standards, Need for Effective Legislation. The Future of the Media in North Macedonia – Facts and Trends

Vesna Nikodinoska, Tamara Chausidis

Sarajevo; Skopje; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Macedonian Institute for Media; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 41 pp.

"The following conclusions can be drawn from the data analysis: • The socio-economic status of journalists should be continuously advanced via improvement of working conditions in newsrooms and greater acknowledgement of labour rights on the part of media owners and the state. • Rapid technologi ... cal and information changes impose the need for adapting the ethical and professional standards to the new digital environment, as well as creating specific guidelines for the media and journalists in terms of the use of artificial intelligence. • The interest of young people in studies in journalism, communications, and media is drastically decreasing due to the weak link between studies with the labour market, the poor economic situation in media, and the inherent risks to this profession. It is necessary to modernize the study programmes and curricula which should be in line with the newly emerging environment, as well as making it possible to interlink with the media industry. • Disinformation and non-compliance with ethical standards are often evident in online media, thus there is already a wide discussion in the media community about the legal definition of the status and functioning of the online media. • Ownership transparency in broadcast media is at a high level, which is not the case in internet media, as the latter are outside the legal scope. The legal solution for pluralism in media ownership does not correspond to the new digital environment, therefore changes are needed that will enable development of the media market and industry consolidation. • Funds from the state budget for paid political advertising during elections and public interest campaigns have increased in recent years and represent a significant source of funding for many media outlets. The above increases media dependence on state funds, as well as the possibility of corruption and media clientelism. • Professional media organizations and the civil sector support the idea of establishing a fund for the development of media pluralism, to serve as an independent mechanism for developing projects and contents of public interest. Such approach will encourage diversity, quality, and independence in the media industry. • In the media landscape, there are not enough media and/or programmes that represent ethnic groups, marginalized groups, and persons with disabilities, while non-profit media is one of the most underdeveloped segments therein. Trust in institutions, including in the media, is very low, due to the high level of systemic corruption, disinformation, non-transparency, and weak effectiveness of institutions. • Media literacy is included in formal education as a systemic approach to teaching, but awareness of its importance should be promoted more among all age groups and segments of society. • Transparent and efficient policies, comprehensive analyses, and overarching strategies are needed to cover all segments of the media market, including the digital sphere. The limited media market adversely affects the economic situation of the media, resulting in a lack of evident development of pluralism, diversity, and independence of the media in the audiovisual media sphere." (Executive summary, pages 4-5) more

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The Expanding Media Landscape, Decline in Journalists' Safety, and Low Media Literacy. The Future of the Media in Kosovo – Facts and Trends

Jeton Mehmeti

Sarajevo; Pristina; Ljubljana: Mediacentar; Press Council of Kosovo; Peace Institute; South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) (2025), 32 pp.

"Kosovo enjoys a relatively good legal framework when it comes to the protection of freedom of expression and freedom of the media. Laws concerning protection of journalism sources, protection of whistleblowers, and access to public information appear to be in line with European standards. The overa ... more

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Nachrichten, Fake News und Wahlen

Uli Gleich

Media Perspektiven, issue 5 (2025), 10 pp.

"Voraussetzung dafür, dass (politische) Fake News Wirkung entfalten, sind gewisse Vulnerabilitätsfaktoren auf Seiten der Userinnen und User. Laut den Studien von Daunt und anderen (2023) sowie von Gupta und anderen (2023) gehören dazu zum Beispiel der Glaube an Verschwörungserzählungen, Patriot ... ismus, Konservatismus und die Tendenz zu kollektivistischen Ideen von Gesellschaft. Die Analysen von Schnaudt (2024) zeigen, dass Verschwörungserzählungen nicht nur in den USA, sondern auch in den europäischen Ländern eine Herausforderung für demokratische Prozesse (z. B. Wahlen) darstellen, wenn Menschen die falschen Informationen für glaubwürdig halten. Auch Mauk und Grömping (2024) fanden in ihrer Studie heraus, dass Autoritarismus und Verschwörungsmentalität, also die Neigung, sich die Welt über Verschwörungstheorien zu erklären, das Vertrauen in Wahlen mindern, weil Informationen motiviert, das heißt in Richtung einer bestehenden Voreinstellung, verarbeitet werden. Fake News können diese motivierte Verarbeitung unterstützen und damit einen destabilisierenden Effekt erzeugen. Laut Stachofsky, Schaupp und Crossler (2023) besteht gerade bei Wählergruppen, die ihre Informationen aus Quellen beziehen, die häufig (politische) Fake News verbreiten, eine besondere Anfälligkeit, die Integrität von Wahlen in Zweifel zu ziehen. Besonders interessant ist in diesem Zusammenhang die Erkenntnis, dass die Herausforderung durch Falschinformationen und Verschwörungserzählungen ironischerweise gerade in denjenigen Ländern hoch ausgeprägt ist, in denen die Rahmenbedingungen für demokratische und unbeeinflusste Wahlen objektiv am günstigsten sind (vgl. auch die Studie von Vliegenthart und anderen, 2024). Und selbst wenn keine tatsächlichen Erkenntnisse über Anomalien bei der Durchführung von Wahlen vorliegen, können Informationen über die Wahrscheinlichkeit von Unregelmäßigkeiten die oben erwähnte motivierte Informationsverarbeitung in Gang setzten und das Vertrauen in die Integrität von Wahlen bedrohen (vgl. die Studie von Kuk, Lee und Rhee (2024)). Studien, die den direkten Einfluss von Fake News auf Wahlentscheidungen untersuchen, sind methodisch schwierig und selten zu finden. Iida und andere (2024) konnten nur geringe Effekte feststellen und betonen, dass eine entsprechende Wirkung eher bei Personen entsteht, die keine ausgeprägten politischen Überzeugungen haben und/oder politisch weniger gut informiert sind. Auch Cantarella, Fraccaroli und Volpe (2023) konnten nur kleine Effekte ermitteln, die jedoch signifikant zum Wahlergebnis zugunsten populistischer Parteien in Italien beigetragen haben." (Zusammenfassung, Seiten 1-2) more

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Reporting on Moldova’s Elections: Strategies used by independent media to reach communities targeted by disinformation campaigns

International Fund for Public Interest Media (IFPIM) (2025), 15 pp.

"This short report explores the weaponisation of disinformation during the 2024 presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova, where pro-EU candidate Maia Sandu was the target of concerted smear campaigns, voter manipulation, and interference orchestrated by Russia. According to some estimates, ... more

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Guía de acceso a la contratación pública para el Tercer Sector de la Comunicación

David Comet-Herrera, Lucía Benítez-Eyzaguirre, Juan Antonio Roa-Domínguez

Comunicación Social Ediciones y Publicaciones (2025), 85 pp.

"Esta guía ofrece una herramienta útil y práctica que facilita el acceso del TSC a las licitaciones públicas, contribuyendo a su sostenibilidad económica y fortaleciendo su autonomía e independencia. Proporciona información clara, sencilla y accesible sobre los procedimientos, requisitos y op ... more

No Signal, no Voice: How Internet Shutdowns Undermined Uganda’s 2026 Elections New

Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview Deep Insights

Tackling Disinformation, Information Manipulation and Interference in Four African Elections Deep Insights

No Signal, no Voice: How Internet Shutdowns Undermined Uganda’s 2026 Elections
New

Our Media, Our Democracy, Our Future. The Future of the Media in the Western Balkans and Turkey – Facts and Trends. Regional Overview
Deep Insights

Tackling Disinformation, Information Manipulation and Interference in Four African Elections
Deep Insights