"This paper documents the effect of Serbian public radio on the voting behavior and nationalistic anti-Serbian sentiment of Croats in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srijem, a post-conflict region of modern Croatia on the border with Serbia. We find that the exposure to the Serbian public radi
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o convinces some Croats to switch to voting for ultra-nationalist parties from voting to moderate nationalist party. In addition, exposure to Serbian public radio increases the incidence of ethnically-offensive graffiti on public buildings in the center of their villages. The results of a laboratory experiment confirm that Serbian public radio causes an increase in anti-Serbian sentiment among Croats. Our results indicate that foreign media can have substantial cross-border effects in countries characterized by post-conflict ethnic tensions such as Croatia. These findings are likely to apply more generally to areas of past conflict with similar languages and overlapping media markets. This suggests that peaceful relations between neighboring countries depend in part on the content of media programming, and the extent of media overlap. Hence, nation-building efforts implicit in the nationalistic content of the media (in this case, the Serbian radio) can have important spillovers on the persistence of peace between countries." (Conclusion, page 22)
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"In March 2005, a relatively nonviolent uprising ousted an authoritarian president in the former Soviet republic of Kyrgyzstan. In the aftermath of the so-called Tulip Revolution, press rights advocates and journalists welcomed the promise of greatly enhanced freedoms. However, the new regime proved
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to be as authoritarian and corrupt as its predecessor and little liberalization of the press system was evident five years later. Physical assaults continued, including murders, as did harassment, libel suits, impediments to access to information, license denials and self-censorship. There was only slow movement toward privatizing of state-owned media. Independent and oppositional media also remained in financial peril due to the country’s weak economy and high poverty level. Thus, 20 years after independence and a half-decade after the Tulip Revolution, the Soviet propaganda model for a press system was dead in name, but many major attributes survived, with significant implications for the continuum of authoritarianism in other postcommunist nations. The degree to which the April 2010 coup and subsequent constitutional change to a parliamentary democracy will spur an expansion of press rights and sustain market-based independent media outlets remains speculative amid grave concerns about continuing anti-press events." (Abstract)
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"Mediated forms of communication increasingly influence the social relations and different spheres of life in the regions of South Asia, Southeast Asia and in the Arab-speaking region. In order to understand the profound social and political changes that go hand in hand with these medialisation proc
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esses, an independent and systematic media perspective needs to be generated from within the disciplinary framework of Area and Islamic Studies. This volume has a strong focus on the internet and on the diversity of internet-based communication in the three regions mentioned above. Furthermore, it stresses the need for a new cross-media approach that goes beyond the analysis of single media and helps to understand the transnational and local dynamics of an increasing media convergence." (Publisher description)
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"The report analyzes data on Twitter and Facebook users in all 22 Arab countries, in addition to Iran, Israel and Turkey, highlighting the role they played in the civil movements that swept the region during that period. This is part of a larger research initiative focusing on social engagement thro
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ugh ICT for better policy in Arab states, which explores the use of social networking services in governance, social inclusion and entrepreneurship promotion. The initiative also studies the potential of social networking applications for increasing collaboration, knowledge sharing and innovation, both between and among government entities, citizens and the private sector." (Overview, page 1)
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"The rise of Juan Perón to power in Argentina in the 1940s is one of the most studied subjects in Argentine history. But no book before this has examined the role the Peronists' struggle with the major commercial newspaper media played in the movement's evolution, or what the resulting transformati
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on of this industry meant for the normative and practical redefinition of the relationships among state, press, and public. In The Fourth Enemy, James Cane traces the violent confrontations, backroom deals, and legal actions that allowed Juan Domingo Perón to convert Latin America's most vibrant commercial newspaper industry into the region's largest state-dominated media empire. An interdisciplinary study drawing from labor history, communication studies, and the history of ideas, this book shows how decades-old conflicts within the newspaper industry helped shape not just the social crises from which Peronism emerged, but the very nature of the Peronist experiment as well." (Publisher description)
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"¿Por qué hacer un libro sobre protesta social en América Latina? Porque los movimientos indígenas, cooperativas obreras, grupos ecologistas, movimientos feministas, agrupaciones piqueteras, movimientos estudiantiles y hasta las cacerolas de la clase media y los sectores de altos recursos, entre
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otros, se están manifestando en la región. Y es que la protesta social es la posibilidad pública y simbólica de expresar activamente nuestras demandas, nuestras frustraciones ciudadanas y de existir en público. Esto hace que la protesta social sea una zona de intersección entre la libertad de expresión, la gobernabilidad democrática y lo mediático político. Lo que sabíamos del asunto era que tanto los medios de comunicación como los gobiernos cuentan el reclamo más que el contenido de la protesta, cuentan los destrozos más que las demandas, asumen el confl icto como negativo para la democracia, y cuando aparecen los sectores que protestan los “localizan” en el lamento y la sensiblería. El resultado es que poco o nada se entiende acerca de la protesta social como ejercicio activo de la libertad de expresión. En este libro periodístico queremos contar los modos como la protesta social toma forma en América Latina y cómo se relaciona con la democracia." (Introducción, página 7)
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"La libéralisation spectaculaire de l’espace médiatique arabe n’en finit pas de surprendre. Comment comprendre cette brutale explosion de créativité, ce foisonnement d’initiatives et d’énergie ? En quelques mois, ces sociétés auraient fait l’apprentissage de la liberté d’expressi
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on, les blogueurs réussissant grâce à Internet à contourner les censures étatiques et bousculer les pouvoirs en place. L’Internet n’explique pas tout. Seul un détour par l’histoire permet de comprendre ces bouleversements sociaux : télévisions hertziennes au lendemain des indépendances, puis satellitaires lors de la première guerre du Golfe avec notamment la création de la chaîne Al Jazeera, affirmation des médias numériques, des réseaux sociaux qui, loin de faire de l’ombre aux anciens, contribuent au renforcement des interactions entre les différents médias [...] Tourya Guaabess signe une étude vivante et documentée sur les grandes étapes de cette révolution médiatique, essentielle à la compréhension des transitions politiques en cours." (Dos de couverture)
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"The uprisings which swept across the Arab world beginning in December 2010 pose a serious challenge to many of the core findings of the political science literature focused on the durability of the authoritarian Middle Eastern state. The impact of social media on contentious politics represents one
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of the many areas which will require significant new thinking. The dramatic change in the information environment over the last decade has changed individual competencies, the ability to organize for collective action, and the transmission of information from the local to the international level. It has also strengthened some of the core competencies of authoritarian states even as it has undermined others. The long term evolution of a new kind of public sphere may matter more than immediate political outcomes, however. Rigorous testing of competing hypotheses about the impact of the new social media will require not only conceptual development but also the use of new kinds of data analysis not traditionally adopted in Middle East area studies." (Abstract)
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"Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa examines the role that popular media could play to encourage political debate, provide information for development, or critique the very definitions of 'democracy' and 'development'. Drawing on diverse case studies from various regions of the Afric
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an continent, essays employ a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to ask critical questions about the potential of popular media to contribute to democratic culture, provide sites of resistance, or, conversely, act as agents for the spread of Americanized entertainment culture to the detriment of local traditions. A wide variety of media formats and platforms are discussed, ranging from radio and television to the Internet, mobile phones, street posters, film and music." (Publisher description)
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"Im ersten Block analysieren Vertreter der iranischen Social-Media-Szene die Rolle des Web 2.0 in Iran von seinen Anfängen bis heute. Der iranische Blogger Mehdi Mohseni umreißt die Social-Media-Aktivitäten der Parteien rund um den Präsidentschaftswahlkampf 2009 und die Folgen für die iranische
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Bloggerszene nach dem Wahlausgang. Der Medienwissenschaftler Gholam Khiabany hinterfragt die zumeist pauschale positive Beurteilung des Web 2.0 und konzentriert sich wie Mehdi Yahyanejad, Gründer der persischen Website Balatarin, in seinem Beitrag auf die Instrumentalisierung des Internets durch den iranischen Staat. Was hieraus entsteht, lässt sich mit dem Begriff "Cyberkrieg" betiteln, den der Politiker Omid Nouripour in seinem Beitrag thematisiert. Der zweite Teil des Sammelbandes geht der Frage nach, welche Aufgaben sich daraus für den Auslandsfunk ergeben und welche Fallstricke sich verbergen, wenn der Adressat zum Dialogpartner wird. Der dritte Block fragt, wie die neuen Medien für den politischen Dialog genutzt werden können. Hier untersucht der Islamwissenschaftler Marcus Michaelsen die Rolle der sozialen Medien für die Öffnung autoritärer Regime." (Vorwort)
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"The article addresses the use of the internet by Islamic social movement organizations (SMOs), focusing on the case of Justice and Charity (JC), the biggest opposition political group in Morocco. It examines the extent to which the SMO exploits the potential of the medium in collective action, and
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the implications of this use for the SMO’s capacity to advance its cause and resist state repression. Drawing on social movement and radical democracy theories, the study highlights the implications of the internet for collective identity-building in the political project of the Islamic SMO. The article argues that while JC draws extensively on the internet to enhance collective identity-construction and build an antagonistic public sphere, it fails to benefit from the potential of the medium to promote gender equality and genuine participative communication, and to build an agonistic political sphere." (Abstract)
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"This article reviews the authoritarian regimes, and the subsequent transitions to democracy, that existed in Latin America in the last third of the 20th Century. It is argued that, unlike in other cases, the political science account of such changes, usually self-described as “transitology”, do
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es indeed fit the evidence fairly well. On the other hand, such an account demonstrably fails to illuminate very important features of the experience, notably the relative lack of change in the ownership, structure and practices of the mass media, which is very strongly marked in television. The same large companies that collaborated with, and benefited from, the authoritarian regimes, are still in a dominant position. At the same time, many of the extreme social inequalities that characterise the continent have either hardly been addressed or have actually been exacerbated. It is therefore concluded that these examples are equally well or better explained by a theory that stresses the degree of social continuity between the different political orders." (Abstract)
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"To what extent do the structures and conduct of leading news media correspond with their specific democratic role? Authors from 10 countries provide empirical evidence based on the 26 indicators included in the Media for Democracy Monitor." (Back cover)
"Spontane Proteste, die über soziale Netzwerke organisiert werden, haben das politische Leben Belarus’ in Aufruhr versetzt. Die Bewegung, die diese Proteste organisierte, bediente sich – im Vergleich zu anderen politischen Kräften – innovativer Methoden und konnte eine Vielzahl neuer Mitglie
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der gewinnen. Ab August 2011 beschränkte sie sich allerdings wieder auf den online-Bereich. Vor dem Hintergrund des neuen großen Einflusses sozialer Netzwerke auf politische Ereignisse weltweit geht es in Belarus nicht um eine "Revolution" im herkömmlichen Sinne, sondern eher um die Formierung einer neuen politischen Kraft, die wiederum zur Formierung einer Bürgergesellschaft beitragen kann." (Zusammenfassung)
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"New fields of action have emerged for those working in Germany’s development cooperation activities that are focused on media. Development cooperation can help new media become an established instrument used by civil society actors who are informed and monitoring political developments. This form
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of citizen journalism promotes political involvement. In addressing new media through development cooperation, it is critical that quality standards of the media are raised through targeted training and professional development for those citizens who create media content. In addition, individual users – the consumers of the information – should be trained to become media competent. In this way, political participation can grow sustainably. One example is support of citizen journalism, an important form of media, particularly in authoritative states. New media can serve not only as instruments but also platforms for a “constructive dialogue” between the state and civil society, creating spaces of interaction that are critical for effective development cooperation. Besides multilateral development cooperation, bilateral development cooperation can create incentives for partners from the private sector to invest more into technology transfer in developing countries, thereby helping to close the digital divide." (Page 2)
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