"Contiene, además de un apartado dedicado a revisar los seis años de recorrido del ONADEM, cuatro grandes secciones que cubren las áreas de trabajo del Observatorio en los últimos tres años: el Derecho a la Información y a la Comunicación, el análisis de la calidad de la información period
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stica, el desempeño de los periodistas y la evolución del campo mediático en el contexto de la dinámica política del país. Son trabajos realizados por los investigadores del ONADEM desplegados sobre objetos de estudio nacionales y regionales. El libro busca dar continuidad a uno anterior, Medios a la vista, publicado en 2009, el cual daba cuenta de las principales investigaciones realizadas por el ONADEM de UNIR entre los años 2005 y 2008. En sus seis años de vida, el Observatorio ha realizado más de 60 investigaciones." (Página web UNIR)
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"In social sciences, the interdependence between media systems and political systems is generally not in doubt. However, empirical knowledge about the relation between the two types of systems is rare. A deeper understanding can be gained by an international comparison of media and political systems
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from a macro perspective using aggregated data. The pilot study presented in this article offers an approach to international comparison based on four dimensions: freedom, diversity, centrality and tradition. These concepts serve as dimensions of comparison for both media - and political systems. The instrument is tested by using an intentionally heterogeneous sample of seven countries from around the world: China, Germany, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, Russia and the US. In combination with a pragmatic use of systems theory as a theoretical framework, the dimensions allow more profound insights into the relation between media and political systems. In sum, the research project prepares the ground for future international large-N comparisons." (Abstract)
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Examines the impact that the rise of digital communications is having on the media, and on human rights activism. The report goes on to explore the main policy issues which must be addressed at the national and international levels to shape an enabling environment. The report combines global level a
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nalysis with a specific focus on eight countries: Argentina, Brazil, Egypt, Kenya, India, Indonesia, South Africa and the United States of America.
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"This article analyzes the transformative Egyptian media landscape that shaped and reflected the equally transformative political landscape that led to Egypt’s historical revolution. It provides an overview of Egyptian media and discusses how that eclectic scene exhibited many paradoxes. It analyz
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es the role of Egyptian media during the 2011 revolution, in which cyberactivism ignited public mobilization, enabled civic engagement, and encouraged citizen journalism. It discusses the post-revolutionary phase, in which Egyptian media are undergoing a restructuring process that mirrors political transformations. It contextualizes the transformations in the Egyptian media landscape within a comparative perspective that highlights the uniqueness of Egyptian media, as well as how and why they defy categorization or dichotomization. It concludes with observations on comparative media research; its applicability, or lack thereof, to the Egyptian media scene; and future expectations from this research in the Arab Awakening and the communication revolution accompanying it." (Abstract)
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Offers a policy-focused overview of the state of online political participatory media in Tunisia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Uganda.
"Contrary to the optimistic view that the Internet would promote democracy in authoritarian countries like China, the pervasive political apathy among younger generations calls for a closer examination of micro-level individual political participation. This study contributes to the nascent body of e
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mpirical literature probing Chinese Internet users' political participation online by examining related behavioral and attitudinal factors. We argue that Chinese netizens' online participatory behaviors are determined by their political attitudes, trust in the media, and, chiefly, trust in the social system. Importantly, the current political and social environment in China seems to truncate any liberalizing potential of the Internet, as evidenced by the limited online political discussion and strong presence of government regulation. This dynamic implies that any utopian predictions concerning political participation online need to be reformulated in light of these external contextual factors." (Abstract)
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"A National Conversation' is a 5-year project funded by DFID's Governance and Transparency Fund (GTF) delivered by the BBC World Service Trust (BBC WST). Its purpose is to 'enhance media's capacity to cover governance issues by increasing transparency, accountability and citizen participation in med
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ia'. It covers Angola, Sierra Leone and Tanzania, has a total budget of £5 million and runs from 2008 to 2013. This mid-term review, by independent media consultant Mary Myers, finds that the quality of the work has been good and the progress to date has been fairly good. The BBC WST has taken on an ambitious task and is delivering an innovative and, at times, highly sensitive project with commitment, hard work, attention to high standards and efficiency. In terms of progress against the log-frame indicators, many of the objectives are in line to be achieved by the end of the project, despite a few short-comings. The project is particularly strong on media development and co-productions with partner broadcasters. The training and mentoring work done so far is probably the element showing the biggest impact at this stage. Some other objectives have only partially been achieved and benefits and shortcomings are finely balanced. This applies particularly to the research side of the project." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"We construct measures of the extent to which the four main newspapers in Argentina report government corruption on their front page during the period 1998–2007 and correlate them with government advertising. The correlation is negative. The size is considerable—a one standard deviation increase
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in monthly government advertising is associated with a reduction in the coverage of the government’s corruption scandals of 0.23 of a front page per month, or 18 percent of a standard deviation in coverage. The results are robust to the inclusion of newspaper, month, newspaper × president and individualcorruption scandal fixed effects, as well as newspaper × president specific time trends." (Abstract)
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"This study examined the relationship between young Jordanians' (N = 321) news use and their feelings toward the Jordanian and US governments. Consumption of traditional news delivery formats (such as print newspapers, radio broadcasts and interpersonal sources) was measured, as was reliance on new
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media formats such as blogs, text messaging and podcasting. Political socialization measures were indices of political trust and appraisals of the US government. Results suggest that young Jordanians in the sample rely mostly on TV news, newspapers and interpersonal contacts for current events information, and that TV news use and reliance on interpersonal sources were associated with negative views of the US government." (Abstract)
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"La Comunicación Política en México aborda las formas en que la dimensión comunicativa de la sociedad mexicana enfrenta dos tendencias contrapuestas: las inercias de un sistema político autoritario, y la coexistencia con nuevos valores y significaciones en torno al poder y a la toma de decision
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es, lo que implica una participación política más clara por parte de la sociedad civil. La obra se estructura en torno a tres ejes temáticos fundamentales: la Comunicación Política y los Procesos Electorales; estrategias de Comunicación Política; Comunicación Política y la relación México-Estados Unidos. Los participantes en esta obra son miembros del grupo de investigación en Comunicación Política de la Asociación Mexicana de Investigadores de la Comunicación (AMIC)." (Resumen)
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"Die Umbrüche in Ägypten 2011 haben gezeigt, dass Medien eine wesentliche Rolle für die Mobilisierung politischer Partizipation spielen. Die Muslimbruderschaft, einer der wichtigsten gesellschaftlichen Akteure Ägyptens, hat seit 2002 gezielt auf Internetmedien gesetzt, um das Regime Mubaraks her
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auszufordern. Unter Rückgriff auf Ansätze aus der Forschung zu sozialen Bewegungen und politischer Transformation ordnet die Autorin zunächst die Medienstrategien der Islamisten in die Strukturen des politischen Systems und des Mediensystems Ägyptens ein. Mittels einer Inhaltsanalyse der Website der Muslimbrüder, ikhwanonline.com, Interviews mit deren Produzenten sowie einer Nutzerbefragung wird überprüft, welches Potenzial islamistische Medien haben, zu einer Demokratisierung Ägyptens beizutragen." (Klappentext)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"In order to determine whether men and women have equal opportunities to get their messages across through the media, as they are reflected during the election campaign and the importance attributed to gender equality in the news agenda, a series of quantitative and qualitative variables will be pre
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sented in the following chapters to make possible an objective assessment based on common criteria so that women candidates themselves and the organizations that work on the issue of women’s political participation can design strategies in order to overcome their lack of coverage or the stereotypes that affect them. In addition, these variables have been thought through to help professionals who work in the media to begin to reflect on the causes of this deficit of women in the news, so as to analyse the cultural ‘filters’ they use that are not favourable to gender equality, and to design actions for change geared to more plural and equitable journalism when it comes to gender issues." (Page 12)
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"This article examines e gao (online spoofs) as a popular form of political expression which has recently emerged on the Chinese internet. I first introduce a cultural approach to internet-mediated political communication that emphasizes discursive integration and the mutual constitution of communic
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ative activity and subjectivity. I then discuss how these two dimensions are configured in the specific media ecology in China with regard to the emergence of e gao. I will analyse the political implications of e gao through a close reading of the two most influential cases. Granted that these online spoofs neither qualify as rational debates aiming to achieve consensus nor have produced any visible policy consequences, but they constitute a significant component of civic culture that offers both political criticism and emotional bonding for all participants." (Abstract)
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"Wie hat das Internet die individuelle politische Kommunikation von Bürgerinnen und Bürgern verändert? Und welche konkreten Entwicklungen sind zu beobachten? Das von 2002 bis 2009 laufende DFG-Projekt »Politische Online-Kommunikation« geht diesen Fragen nach: Auf der Grundlage einer breit angel
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egten empirischen Studie dokumentieren die Autoren die Entwicklung der politischen Kommunikationsaktivitäten der befragten Bürger im zeitlichen Verlauf. Untersucht werden sowohl Informationsaktivitäten wie das Lesen politischer Internetseiten als auch die interpersonale politische Online-Kommunikation sowie politische Partizipationsaktivitäten im Internet." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"It has to be underlined that this study does not see the internet as a major remedy for the development of political culture and civil society that is so essential for Pakistan’s further democratic consolidation. To understand possible contributions of the new information technologies towards pol
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itical progress it is important to consider them within the context of society. If the new media are integrated into ongoing struggles for change they can actually open up the landscape of ‘old politics’, providing additional possibilities for civic engagement and mobilisation. This is perhaps most evident in the efforts for women’s empowerment on and over the internet which in fact represent a new approach to the long-term activism against violence against women and for women’s rights in Pakistani society. The necessary attempts to reach a coherent legislation for internet use in Pakistan might provide another example in this regard - when pursued in a concerted manner. Here, civil society and the private sector could seek to develop a unified position vis-à-vis the state and to influence the government’s decision making process, thereby indirectly touching fundamental issues such as civil rights and cultural tolerance." (Conclusion, page 66)
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