"Este documento define la comunicación estratégica para defensores de DD.HH., así como las etapas de esta y algunas recomendaciones estratégicas." (commbox)
"This joint submission was prepared for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Indonesia in November 2022. In it, Amnesty International and the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) evaluate the implementation of recommendations made to Indonesia in its previous UPR, including in relation to hum
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an rights issues in Papua, attacks and intimidations towards human rights defenders, and discrimination against religious minorities. It also assesses the national human rights framework with regard to, especially, civic space. This submission highlights problematic laws that may threaten the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, such as treason and blasphemy offences in the Criminal Code, and the Electronic Information and Transactions (EIT) Law which criminalises hate speech and defamation. This submission also discusses the lack of a comprehensive framework for the protection of human rights defenders and environmental activists. With regard to the human rights situation on the ground, Amnesty International and the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) raise concern about the state of shrinking civic space in Indonesia, indicated by, but not limited to, the increasing attacks - both physical and digital - faced by human rights defenders and journalists, as well as criminalisation of peaceful protests and political expressions using problematic laws." (Summary)
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"The volume analyses the ambivalent relationship between human rights and modern technologies since 1945. Tools of suppression or agents of emancipation? Modern technologies have become a major subject of human rights policy. Surveillance technology, the military use of drones, and the possibilities
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of Big Data analysis pose new challenges for the international human rights movement. At the same time, these techniques offer new ways to document and denounce violations of human rights and to promote mass mobilization. The volume analyses this ambivalent relationship between human rights and technological change in a historical perspective. Showing how the spread of modern technologies both challenged and served human rights policies, the volume focuses on four key areas of technological change: 1) development politics, infrastructures and large technical systems, 2) population politics and demographical knowledge, 3) media cultures and communication technologies, and 4) the societal impact of computerization. By sketching these debates since 1945, the volume adds a historical perspective to current debates about the political and ethical challenges of new technological developments." (Publisher description)
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"After nearly 20 years of international investment and successful efforts to build a diverse media landscape and strengthen journalism standards, the Afghan media sector has fundamentally changed for the worse since the Taliban (also referred herein to as the de facto authorities) takeover on 15 Aug
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ust 2021. Before mid-August 2021, dedicated initiatives and investment focused on increasing the number of women working in the media across a diversity of roles, training and equipping them with valuable skills and expertise, as well as a substantive focus on women’s rights and gender equality in the media content, including on how gender inequality is a driver of conflict. The Taliban has sought to bring the Afghan media under its control, prohibiting broadcasts and publications that criticize Taliban rule and/or are incompatible with the group’s interpretation of Islamic and Afghan values. There is no universal experience across the changed media environment as the level of subnational variation is notable. The position of individual de facto leaders on media freedom varies according to their personal viewpoints and relationship to the media in the past, and their perception of the value of media to extend the credibility and authority of the Taliban in the eyes of the target audience. Despite subnational variations, nationwide trends are becoming increasingly discernible, clear and solidified. Although in some cases the level of discretion may be higher, rules and practices are consistent and congruent – continuous harassment, attacks, and detention of journalists, the requirement for women journalists to cover their face when on air, and various tactics which combined lead to self-censorship and exclusion of women from the media. This indicates a systematic and coherent effort to
muzzle the media and exclude women – their faces, perspectives, and experiences – from public spaces." (Summary)
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"[…] Journalists covering conflict zones in some cases become first-hand witnesses to crimes, including international crimes such as systematic killing of civilians, serious acts of torture and mass sexual violence. This guide aims to provide simple, accessible advice to journalists (and editors)
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who capture information which appears to be evidence of international crimes. It does not aim to transform readers into investigators or experts on the law of evidence. Instead, the guide offers to support journalists when they happen to become engaged in events which may involve international crimes. Often very simple steps can substantially enhance the evidentiary value of information. While the focus of this guide is on international crimes, the same information may also be useful in providing evidence of human rights and other types of abuse." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"These UNESCO guidelines aim to provide practical support to National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) on the use of the UPR process to improve freedom of opinion and expression, safety of journalists, and access to information and to strengthen their capacity to engage with the process in all its
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stages." (About, page 1)
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"This report is the product of an effort to understand the scale and scope of “transnational repression,” in which governments reach across national borders to silence dissent among their diaspora and exile communities. Freedom House assembled cases of transnational repression from public source
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s, including UN and government documents, human rights reports, and credible news outlets, in order to generate a detailed picture of this global phenomenon.
The project compiled a catalogue of 608 direct, physical cases of transnational repression since 2014. In each incident, the origin country’s authorities physically reached an individual living abroad, whether through detention, assault, physical intimidation, unlawful deportation, rendition, or suspected assassination. The list includes 31 origin states conducting physical transnational repression in 79 host countries. This total is certainly only partial; hundreds of other physical cases that lacked sufficient documentation, especially detentions and unlawful deportations, are not included in Freedom House’s count. Nevertheless, even this conservative enumeration shows that what often appear to be isolated incidents—an assassination here, a kidnapping there—in fact represent a pernicious and pervasive threat to human freedom and security.
Moreover, physical transnational repression is only the tip of the iceberg. The consequences of each physical attack ripple out into a larger community. And beyond the physical cases compiled for this report are the much more widespread tactics of “everyday” transnational repression: digital threats, spyware, and coercion by proxy, such as the imprisonment of exiles’ families. For millions of people around the world, transnational repression has become not an exceptional tool, but a common and institutionalized practice used by dozens of regimes to control people outside their borders." (Executive summary)
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"Journalists alone cannot save journalism, and civil society activists and human rights defenders alone cannot defend civil space. This is why multi-stakeholder coalitions, as well as regional and international networks, constitute an essential pathway to identify and deliver solutions to the comple
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x challenges confronting both media systems and civil society. Coalitions can provide opportunities for media and civil society to work in a more strategic and coordinated manner on relevant issues, and to build the political will needed to sustain progress." (Page 3)
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"This report summarizes powerful research on the Philippines’ human rights sector in “survival mode” under Rodrigo Duterte’s violent regime. Historically known as the most active civil society in Asia, the Philippines human rights movement has faced an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy whil
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e burdened with the responsibility to advocate for the many victims of abuses. Drawing on interviews with human rights workers and their allies in journalism and the academe, this study captures diverse interpretations as to how human rights has become “broken,” “tarnished,” and “a bad word” within a short span of four years. It also describes sectoral, organizational, and generational conflicts in how seasoned veterans and younger activists have been strategizing differently in their efforts to win back public trust. This study identifies the long- and short-term trade-offs behind organizational strategies of frontlining and speaking out on the human rights abuses of the Duterte regime versus more under-the-radar backchanneling work focused on service delivery and grassroots organization. Taking a strategic communication perspective and worker-centered approach, our study specifically places the voices of the communication and technology workers in the human rights sector at the heart of our analysis. What our research uncovers is that despite their many creative experiments to connect with diverse constituencies, human rights organizations have still failed to invest material resources in sustainable communication infrastructures and empower their communication personnel. Almost half of the organizations we interviewed still had no staff member dedicated to communication or branding; communication workers continued to play peripheral roles in their organizations." (Executive summary, page 8)
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"Disinformation undermines human rights and many elements of good quality democracy; but counter-disinformation measures can also have a prejudicial impact on human rights and democracy. COVID-19 compounds both these dynamics and has unleashed more intense waves of disinformation, allied to human ri
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ghts and democracy setbacks. Effective responses to disinformation are needed at multiple levels, including formal laws and regulations, corporate measures and civil society action. While the EU has begun to tackle disinformation in its external actions, it has scope to place greater stress on the human rights dimension of this challenge. In doing so, the EU can draw upon best practice examples from around the world that tackle disinformation through a human rights lens. This study proposes steps the EU can take to build counter-disinformation more seamlessly into its global human rights and democracy policies." (Abstract)
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"Visual imagery is at the heart of humanitarian and human rights activism, and video has become a key tool in these efforts. The Saffron Revolution in Myanmar, the Green Movement in Iran, and Black Lives Matter in the United States have all used video to expose injustice. In Seeing Human Rights, San
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dra Ristovska examines how human rights organizations are seeking to professionalize video activism through video production, verification standards, and training. The result, she argues, is a proxy profession that uses human rights videos to tap into journalism, the law, and political advocacy." (Publisher description)
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"El presente documento es un resumen del Informe Regional de Vulneración de Derechos Humanos en la Panamazonía. Recoge 13 casos de violación sistemática a los derechos humanos de diferentes pueblos indígenas, comunidades campesinas y ribereñas de Colombia, Brasil, Ecuador, Perú y Bolivia. La
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lucha de estas comunidades por alcanzar una vida digna y cuidar la casa común ha sido larga, dolorosa y frustrante. Sin embargo, gracias al apoyo de organizaciones comprometidas, aliadas y vinculadas a la Red Eclesial Panamazónica (REPAM) ha sido posible recoger sus demandas, propuestas y llevarlas al más alto para demandar respeto a sus derechos y dignidad como seres humanos." (Introducción)
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"[...] This article focuses on how human rights festivals across the world have creatively and resourcefully resisted and adapted to Covid-19. It analyses the impact of this crisis on festival organisations within their contexts and on the global outreach that was possible thanks to the connections
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of the Human Rights Film Network (HRFN). The findings in this article are based on a survey that collected testimonies of how HRFN members responded to Covid-19 between April and November 2020 as well as from a global virtual meeting that was organised in July 2020 as an opportunity to ‘bring us closer together at this time of difficulty and uncertainty, allowing all members to meet, share ideas for online activities to work more closely and collaboratively in the future’. As producers of human rights film festivals who are members of the network and who attended these live meetings, we experienced firsthand the conversations that emerged, the reactions from fellow festival producers, as well as the importance of having such spaces to share concerns and advice. These reports help us understand how human rights festivals across the world have experienced this crisis within their geographic contexts and to ask questions such as: What was the impact of such emergencies on festival organisations in different contexts? What role did creativity, resistance, community solidarity and social networks play in the different local contexts? And finally, what was the role of the HRFN and its global outreach, in terms of connections, solidarity, and sharing of knowledge?" (Pages 275-276)
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"This document was developed as an instrument to support civil society organizations (CSOs) in Colombia in the development of oral archives and in the organization of their archival collections. It draws from the experience of GIJTR partners International Coalition of Sites of Conscience (ICSC) and
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Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), and ICSC members Memoria Abierta (Argentina), Parque por la Paz Villa Grimaldi (Chile) and Centro de Memoria Monseñor Juan Gerardi (Guatemala), combined with lessons learned in supporting Colombian CSOs in preparing documentation for the Comisión para el Esclarecimiento de la Verdad) Truth Commission. This practical guide highlights basic principles in developing oral archives based on interviews, and in organizing human rights documentation archives. Section 1 focuses on the development of oral archives, and Section 2 offers basic advice on the first steps to help CSOs organize their archives." (About this toolkit)
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