"Why and how can records serve as evidence of human rights violations, in particular crimes against humanity, and help the fight against impunity? Archives and Human Rights shows the close relationship between archives and human rights and discusses the emergence, at the international level, of the
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principles of the right to truth, justice and reparation. Through a historical overview and topical case studies from different regions of the world the book discusses how records can concretely support these principles. The current examples also demonstrate how the perception of the role of the archivist has undergone a metamorphosis in recent decades, towards the idea that archivists can and must play an active role in defending basic human rights, first and foremost by enabling access to documentation on human rights violations. Confronting painful memories of the past is a way to make the ghosts disappear and begin building a brighter, more serene future. The establishment of international justice mechanisms and the creation of truth commissions are important elements of this process. The healing begins with the acknowledgment that painful chapters are essential parts of history; archives then play a crucial role by providing evidence. This book is both a tool and an inspiration to use archives in defence of human rights." (Publisher description)
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"This handbook is broadly divided into three sections: this first focuses on understanding business and human rights, its themes and topics. The second part looks at the practicalities of reporting business and human rights stories: from finding ideas and spotting stories through to the process of r
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esearch and carrying out interviews. The third part looks at how you can tell business and human rights stories, and ‘sell’ them to your audience and editors. Whilst some media law is discussed, it is as general introductory information only and should not be construed as or relied upon as legal advice." (Page 8)
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"1944 entstanden im Vernichtungslager Auschwitz-Birkenau eine Vielzahl von Fotografien, die zumeist den SS-Fotografen Bernhard Walter und Ernst Hoffmann zuzuordnen sind. Erhalten blieben die Bilder in Form eines Albums im Besitz der Holocaust-Überlebenden Lili Jacob, die es auf Vermittlung Serge Kl
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arsfelds 1980 der Gedenkstätte Yad Vashem übergab. Viele der in ihrer offenen oder subtilen Brutalität unerträglichen Aufnahmen zeigen aus der Distanz die Ankunft größerer Gruppen im Lager, andere bilden das Unbegreifliche aus nächster Nähe ab. Auf einigen Fotos sind Selektionen oder „Lagerarbeiten“ zu sehen, manche zeigen die Transportzüge sowie Koffer und Kleidung Verschleppter und Ermordeter, andere die Vernichtungsanlagen. Tal Bruttmann, Stefan Hördler und Christoph Kreutzmüller haben in akribischer Forschungsarbeit die Herkunft der abgebildeten Menschen, die Entstehung und den ideologischen Kontext des Albums analysiert und ordnen die Bilder in diese Zusammenhänge ein. Bewusst setzen sich die Autoren mit der Diskrepanz und den Deutungsebenen auseinander, die der Fotografie als (miss)interpretierbarer, (schein)objektiver Visualisierung eigen sind. Sie durchbrechen so zugleich die Intention des Albums – die Inszenierung des durchgeplanten und in Auschwitz und anderswo vollzogenen Menschheitsverbrechens der Nationalsozialisten als einen rationalen Akt." (Klappentext)
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"This report presents the results of in-depth interviews conducted with eight individuals with recent direct experience inside detention facilities in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). Findings are based on four face-to-face and four remote interviews conducted between November 201
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9 and May 2020 [...] Many detainees were unclear about the reasons behind their initial arrests and grappled with why they were targeted. Justifications for detaining interviewees included innocuous differences in appearance or behavior, perceived by the state as indicators of religiosity or Uyghur nationalism. Some got no explanation for their arrests. Two participants heard police directly mention being given quotas or financial incentives for Uyghur arrests [...] Participants recommended that RFA continue to convey the reality of the ongoing repression in the Uyghur region in as transparent and high-profile a way as possible. Participants said that international coverage failed to present the reality of Uyghurs’ experiences in the XUAR in sufficient scale and depth. To address this, they recommended that RFA: Continues to provide detailed, factually strong reports about conditions within the XUAR, supported by photographic and video materials whenever possible; Focus on original reporting rather than translating reports from other outlets; Humanize Uyghurs in general and detainees in particular, sharing their real lives and stories, challenging the PRC narrative portraying them as Islamic extremists or terrorists; Broadcast more interviews with émigrés who had direct experience of detention – including those who were detained in pre-trial facilities rather than re-education camps; Translate content into other languages, including Mandarin and Russian." (Executive summary)
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"The aim of this document is to provide an introduction for companies to consider the relevance of the following issues for their operations, as well as inspiration and resources to begin to formalise their management of human rights. It is recognised that many of these issues cannot be solved by on
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e company alone and require collaboration across the mobile sector and working with other stakeholders. For each of the human rights issues covered here, the guidance: explains and defines what the human rights issue is and why it is salient for the mobile industry; outlines steps mobile operators can consider taking to operate responsibly and manage related risks; suggests examples of potential indicators that could be used to measure and report progress; briefly introduces supporting initiatives and resources in the sector that address these issues; and provides some case studies from GSMA members on addressing the topic." (Page 3)
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"This chapter deals with lèse-majesté laws and their impact on the exercise of freedom of political expression and journalism from the perspective of international human rights law. In doing so, it addresses the chilling effects of the application of a particular crime of lèse-majesté, namely
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defaming a head of state”, which are emphasized with historical and current examples from Turkey: a country that exemplifies the excesses in practice. Said excesses are assessed in light of the standards of freedom of political expression set by the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, which also demonstrates the excesses in other European countries and provides a comparative outlook. In conclusion, it is inferred that the mere existence of lèse-majesté crimes puts the rule of law at risk, thereby forcing journalists and other citizens alike to resort to self-censorship in violation of international human rights law as interpreted by the regional human rights mechanism." (Abstract)
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"Social media platforms are taking down “terrorist and violent extremist content” more and more quickly, often in response to the demands of governments, but in a way that prevents the content from being used to support investigations into serious crimes, including war crimes. “Video Unavailab
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le”: Social Media Platforms Remove Evidence of War Crimes, examines the value of social media content in human rights investigations and the impacts that content takedowns are having for international and national investigators, civil society organizations, and the media. Human Rights Watch is calling for a broad consultative process with all relevant stakeholders, including social media companies, to develop a mechanism to preserve potential evidence of serious crimes that was posted publicly online and make it available to support national and international prosecutions, as well as investigations by civil society organizations, journalists and academics." (Back cover)
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"Sin desconocer el esfuerzo del periodismo por contar las historias, cabe reconocer que se han cometido errores en el cubrimiento, de ahí la importancia de los periodistas, ya que el peso que tiene cada pequeña noticia, escrita o leída, puede convertirse en una pieza clave en la reconstrucción d
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e las historias y la verdad ante una desaparición. Consejo de Redacción (CdR), la Unidad de Búsqueda de Personas Dadas por Desaparecidas (UBPD), el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja (CICR) y el Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD) decidieron unirse alrededor de este fenómeno para ofrecer una guía que aporte a mejorar el cubrimiento del tema y la construcción de registros de búsqueda de personas. Cada capítulo tiene ideas que dan luz para investigar historias y preguntas inspiradoras, que ayudan a que los reporteros de todo el país puedan remediar sus omisiones y contar todo aquello que aún no se cuenta. Algunos de los temas que se encontrarán son: el repaso histórico de cómo el Estado colombiano aceptó añadir este delito en el código penal, los casos esclarecidos por las cortes, los NN que aumentan la lista de desaparecidos, el daño que ha producido en la sociedad y los familiares la desaparición, el mal manejo de estas historias, entre otros." (https://consejoderedaccion.org)
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"This book focuses on the reporting of human rights in broadly defined times of conflict. It brings together scholarly and professional perspectives on the role of the media in constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in conflict and post-conflict environments, drawing on case studies fro
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m Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. It also provides critical reflections on the challenges faced by journalists and explores the implications of constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in their day-to-day professional activities." (Publisher description)
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"Governments with strict control over the information that their citizens hear from foreign sources are regular targets of human rights pressure, but we know little about how this information matters in the domestic realm. I argue that authoritarian regimes strategically pass on certain types of ext
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ernal pressure to their public to “internationalize” human rights violations, making citizens view human rights in terms of defending their nation internationally rather than in terms of individual violations, and making them more likely to be satisfied with their government’s behavior. I find strong support for this model through statistical analysis of Chinese state media reports of external human rights pressure and a survey experiment on Chinese citizens’ responses to pressure on women’s rights. This analysis demonstrates that authoritarian regimes may be able to manipulate international human rights diplomacy to help them retain the support of their population while suppressing their human rights." (Abstract)
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"En el presente informe, la CIDH pudo constatar cómo el incremento de las actividades extractivas en la Amazonía ha causado efectos de deforestación y ha creado tensiones por el uso de la tierra y sus recursos. En algunos países las actividades ilícitas se han fortalecido, posibilitando rutas d
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el narcotráfico, explotación sexual y asesinatos. Ese contexto, se torna aún más tenso con las demandas de desarrollo de megaproyectos de infraestructura; explotación de petróleo, gas y minería; explotación forestal; uso de recursos genéticos, construcción de represas; pesca y agricultura industriales, entre otros. Los impactos son irreversibles al medio ambiente y a las comunidades locales, y en general, han sido impuestos a los pueblos indígenas sin cumplir con su derecho a la consulta y consentimiento libre, previo e informado. Esa situación fue diferente para algunos pueblos que decidieron y pudieron huir a bosques remotos de difícil acceso y se mantuvieron en aislamiento de agentes externos. Por muchos años esas comunidades han preservado sus modos de vida, sin embargo, hoy día se encuentran en situación de especial vulnerabilidad, pues la presión sobre sus tierras se ha intensificado y no cuentan con recursos suficientes para defenderse. La Comisión destaca el desarrollo normativo en el ámbito internacional del reconocimiento de los derechos pueblos indígenas, y valora los esfuerzos realizados por los Estados a través de la elaboración de nuevas leyes nacionales y políticas públicas dirigidas a esos colectivos. Sin embargo, durante los uì ltimos anÞ os se han advertido nuevos problemas que amenazan la supervivencia de estos pueblos, particularmente las alteraciones medioambientales y el cambio climatico, hacen cada vez más difícil que puedan mantener sus formas de vida e interacción con el medio ambiente." (Conclusiones, página 197)
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"1. The current use of imagery, particularly photography, in the anti-slavery movement risks harming anti-slavery efforts and survivors through misinformation and re-exploitation [...] 2. In order to utilise photography effectively and ethically, organisations looking to generate or use photography
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should seek out practices which incorporate survivor voice and perspective [...] 3. Participatory photography is an ideal methodology for creating original and impactful imagery. 4. Informed consent should be a priority in anti-slavery imagery [...] 5. Creativity and originality are vital when generating survivor imagery." (Summary of findings)
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"In 2013 I became the co-organizer of the Human Rights, Human Dignity Film Festival in Yangon. We organized the festival for a simple reason - we were very suspicious of the political reform process initiated by the Thein Sein administration, the transformed military government. Like many of our fel
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low citizens, we wanted to push the boundaries of the so-called quasi-civilian rule, by using the human rights film festival as a tool. That's how Myanmar's first international human rights film festival came to be. The landmark human rights event was held in Yangon for five years. A mobile film festival that brought human rights films to audiences across Myanmar also grew in scope. The abolition of pre-publication censorship in Myanmar resulted in a certain level of media freedom for the print media, but not for the film industry. In 2014 the film censorship board was recreated as the "Film Classification Board" under the Ministry of Information. In order to screen human rights films in downtown cinemas, authorization was required from the Film Classification Board. Without that official piece of paper, none of the commercial entertainment companies would allow us to host the human rights film festival in their theatres. Therefore, in order to keep the festival running, we did not select overly sensitive films. That might be called self-censorship; yet, in 2013, the first year of the festival, all films submitted to the Film Classification Board - including a documentary film about human rights violations in Myanmar prisons based on the story of a political prisoner - got the go-ahead to be publicly screened." (Pages 307-308)
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