"We find that there is a will for reform from the civilian part of the government, the international community, independent media professionals, and a handful of Sudanese CSOs. However, pushing for a free media is a low priority for most of the population, who have more urgent survival and security
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needs. Furthermore, the military/Islamist wing of the transitional government seems to want to control, not free, the media." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"Over the last decade, Afghanistan has experienced the rise of a robust media sector. Programming fills the airwaves with everything from news to comedy, open debate to open audition, soap operas to police dramas to ABCs. Journalists, however, operate in a climate of fear and insecurity, under threa
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ts of reprisal and violence, with insufficient state support for freedom of the press. The National Unity Government’s pledge to promote good governance and fight corruption cannot succeed absent a free and independent media. President Ghani and CEO Abdullah’s campaign pledges to support freedom of speech and press freedom must be backed up by actions, including passage of a mass media law that protects freedom of speech and the personal safety of journalists." (Summary)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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"In the process of drafting new media laws for states emerging from violent confl ict, or transitioning towards more democratic governments, the role of customary law is often overlooked. While “best practices” or international standards draw on widely accepted norms of international human right
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s law, they also focus on the experience of media regulation that has emerged in Western countries promoted by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international actors in the name of “freedom of expression.” The adoption of these norms and regulatory institutions is encouraged, often wholesale, with little attention to the local context." (Page 237)
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"Somaliland has held several competitive and multiparty elections that have been cited by international election monitors as being ‘‘free and fair.’’ While political competition has been tolerated, or even encouraged by the governments in power, there has been a continued reluctance to allow
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private radio stations. Citing the possibility of destabilizing Somaliland’s delicate peace, arguments against the liberalization of the media include concerns of radios used to further political polarization, mobilize groups to escalate simmering conflicts and violence, and the capacity of the government to regulate media outlets. This article locates these arguments against media liberalization in the context of Somaliland’s larger nation- and state-building project suggesting that in transitions from war to peace, no matter how prolonged, there are very real concerns about processes of institutionalization and the sequencing of democratic reforms." (Abstract)
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"During the past 15 years Central Africa, and specifically Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, have been through devastating wars in which the media became actors. In 1993, some Burundese newspapers were described as ‘hate media’ and one year later Radio télévision mille coll
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ines (RTLM) in Rwanda became the first of those described as ‘death media’, preparing minds for genocide and helping in its implementation. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, in1998, certain newspapers took to inciting ethnic hatred and violence towards some Congolese citizens. By 2006, when this research was completed, these three countries were undergoing fragile peace processes and trying to rebuild themsleves. The media certainly have a major role to play in helping to soothe the hatred and move people from different communities back into dialogue. But how should the media sector be reorganized in countries where the media have contributed to killings? What is the best way to find a balance between freedom and control in a context where the microphone and the pen have been weapons of murder? This is one of the main issues that must be addressed by the communications regulatory bodies which have been established to support press freedom and to organize and monitor the media landscape." (Abstract)
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"As outlined in the introductory presentation the paths to state failure are various. It is conceivable that corruption, inefficiency and the erosion of state control of the legitimate use of force could lead to the gradual erosion of state capacity. More common, as in the cases of Somalia, Liberia,
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Sierra Leone and DRC, is a situation in which armed conflict leads to the collapse of the incumbent regime and warlordism fills the vacuum that is left behind. In a more extreme case, the complete destruction of the state could be brought about, as has likely happened in Iraq since 2003. In order to rebuild state capacity, it is necessary to provide infrastructure, re-establish law and order, reassert the state’s monopoly on the use of force, make provisions for social services and, through all of these measures, regain political legitimacy. These are all considered to be necessary steps in helping a ‘failed state’ to become re-established in the wake of conflict. The question at the centre of the three themes of debate was where the media should be placed among competing priorities in state and social reconstruction. In order to tease out core issues, IMS created the two categories of ‘Media Purists’ and ‘Media Pragmatists’ to articulate opposing arguments. The background paper for the conference provides a detailed description of both positions. Participants were requested to use these perspectives to identify clashes of opinion and orientate themselves between these positions. Generally speaking, Media Purists would advocate against restrictions prescribed by the state and other bodies, whilst Media Pragmatists would see the need for regulation in order to create the desired media landscape over the longer-term." (Introduction, page 6)
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"Die Annahme, dass eine kontrollierte Presse das Ziel einer Förderung demokratischer Strukturen immer ad absurdum führe, darf vor dem Hintergrund einer politischen Ausnahmesituation nach einem bewaffneten Konflikt durchaus hinterfragt werden. Die in diesem Zusammenhang geführte Diskussion über M
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edienfreiheit versus Konflikteindämmung verdeutlicht die grundsätzlich verschiedenen Zielsetzungen und Ansäze zwischen internationalen NGOs und IGOs beim Medienaufbau. IGOs, wie die OSZE, plädierten in Bosnien für den Aufbau neuer Medienorgane unter Kontrolle von IGOs. Die OSZE befürchtete zu Recht, dass bereits bestehende und etablierte Medienorgane oft unter dem Einfluss von Konfliktparteien stehen. Das galt auch für die Übergangsregierung in Afghanistan. Für die NGOs hingegen ist die Förderung bereits bestehender lokaler Medienorgane die Voraussetzung für einen nachhaltigen Medienaufbau, der zugleich auch den Aufbau der Zivilgesellschaft unterstützt. Das Auswärtige Amt hat in den Schwerpunktsetzungen grundsätzlich einen richtigen Ansatz verfolgt. Allerdings sind die gegenwärtigen Rahmenbedingungen wie das Haushaltsrecht und der Mangel an Evaluierungsmechanismen sowohl seitens der Geldgeber als auch der Implementierungspartner unzureichend. Darüber hinaus wiederholen sich in Afghanistan die Probleme mangelnder Koordinierung. Internews und die UNESCO waren beide in Bosnien aktiv und schon dort mit unzureichender Koordinierung der internationalen Maßnahmen und der Parteilichkeit von nationalen Medienorganen konfrontiert. In Afghanistan übernahm die UNESCO im Frühjahr 2002 die Koordinierung der afghanischen Medienlandschaft und der internationalen Hilfsleistungen in diesem Bereich. Die mangelnde Kohärenz der Aktivitäten konnte dennoch nicht behoben werden. Trotz der früheren Erfahrungen aus anderen Post-Konfliktstaaten wurden die Fehler im Umgang mit Medien wiederholt." (Fazit, Seite 37)
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"The bloody conflicts of the past decade have focused international attention on the strategic role of the media in promoting war and perpetuating chaos. Written against this backdrop, Forging Peace brings together case studies and legal analysis of the steps that the United Nations, NATO, and other
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organizations have taken to build pluralist and independent media in the wake of massive human rights violations. It examines current thinking on the legality of unilateral humanitarian intervention, and analyzes in graphic detail the pioneering use of information intervention techniques in conflict zones, ranging from full-scale bombardment and confiscation of transmitters to the establishment of new laws and regulatory regimes. With its focus on the role of media in preventing human rights violations, Forging Peace will influence policy and debate for years to come." (Publisher description)
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