"This article focuses on the launch by the Chinese company Huawei of ICT academies in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), and Kenya especially. Existing literature shows contrasting findings concerning the impact of such formation and recruitment centres. Through high-level thematic and sentiment analyses, th
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is article examines various Huawei accounts on social networking sites (SNSs) – that is, Facebook and Twitter – in order to better assess: (1) the kind of online corporate communication unfolded by the company with particular regard to these centres; and (2) how the advertising of such centres is perceived by users. The results suggest that Huawei’s online corporate requires better fine-tuning with local SNSs’ users." (Abstract)
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"Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) have become a crucial sector of China–Africa relations. As scholars have noted, Africa’s 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR) risks transforming into a new ‘scramble’ with foreign actors harnessing Africa’s data. The present article explores th
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is issue at a discursive level, i.e. delving into policies, bilateral agreements, and laws. The focus is specifically on Kenya in that it is one of the most developed ICT markets in Africa and it is here that the Chinese tech giant Huawei began its investments in 1998. Via a document review, the article provides a preliminary discursive assessment of the extent to which Kenyan actors are effectively (dis)empowered with regard to their own 4IR. The analysis shows that both pan-African and bilateral agreements remain at a high level of abstraction: while this is the typical Chinese way of framing discourses on technological innovation, it also leaves room for political manoeuvring and potential forms of data colonialism." (Abstract)
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"There is a heated debate about the social-sustainability implications of infrastructure. We engage this debate by delving into China’s Digital Silk Road (DSR), an important component of China’s infrastructure-centric Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Optimists and pessimists have offered strong v
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iews about the DSR’s social-sustainability implications. Unfortunately, there is a dearth of analytical tools and in-depth studies which can be used to judge their competing arguments. In this article, we address these problems in two ways. First, we advance an original scheme for operationalizing social sustainability. Second, we use our framework to systematically analyze the DSR’s social-sustainability effects in Ethiopia, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, and Hungary. Our research indicates that much of the positive and negative commentary about the DSR’s social-sustainability implications is problematic. None of our cases show significant year-to-year changes in political or quality-of-life social-sustainability benchmarks. Indeed, our analysis indicates that analysts must pay close attention to the political and economic context to understand the social-sustainability patterns associated with DSR infrastructure. Finally, it suggests that the social-sustainability implications of DSR infrastructure are dependent on its scale and nature. These findings have ramifications for broader debates about the socioeconomic impact of infrastructure." (Abstract)
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"China is wiring the world, and, in doing so, rewriting the global order. As things stand, the rest of the world still has a choice. But the battle for tomorrow will require America and its allies to take daring risks in uncertain political terrain. Unchecked, China will reshape global flows of data
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to reflect its own interests - and the lives of countless individuals enmeshed in its systems. Taking readers on a global tour of these emerging battlefields, Jonathan E. Hillman reveals what China's digital footprint looks like on the ground, and explores the dangers of a world in which all routers lead to Beijing." (Publisher description)
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"The role of information technology in today’s society has made digital infrastructure a critical aspect of geopolitics. Although the private sector has traditionally led such developments, there is increasing evidence that countries are now slowly getting involved. This paper argues that as part
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of its Digital Silk Road (DSR) initiative, the People’s Republic of China (“China”) is incentivizing private actors, such as Chinese telecommunications firm Huawei, to build digital infrastructure abroad, so as to generate security externalities for China. This is evidenced by our case study involving Huawei’s involvement in Nigeria in the realm of digital infrastructure development, the formulation of digital strategies, and associated standards." (Abstract)
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"In 2019, the United States' trade war with China expanded to blacklist the Chinese tech titan Huawei Technologies Co. Ltd. The resulting attention showed the information and communications technology (ICT) firm entwined with China's political-economic transformation. But the question remained: why
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does Huawei matter? Yun Wen uses the Huawei story as a microcosm to understand China's evolving digital economy and the global rise of the nation's corporate power. Rejecting the idea of the transnational corporation as a static institution, she explains Huawei's formation and restructuring as a historical process replete with contradictions and complex consequences. She places Huawei within the international political economic framework to capture the dynamics of power structure and social relations underlying corporate China's globalization. As she explores the contradictions of Huawei's development, she also shows the ICT firm's complicated interactions with other political-economic forces. Comprehensive and timely, The Huawei Model offers an essential analysis of China's dynamic development of digital economy and the global technology powerhouse at its core." (Publisher description)
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"The challenge in evaluating China’s foreign aid has always been the unavailability of reliable data sets. This study constitutes the first analysis of the AidData data set from a communication network perspective. It examines China’s development aid to Africa in the ICT sector from 2000 to 2014
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. Combining data mapping, network modeling, and regression, it uncovers general trends of aid allocation, central players, and collaboration patterns among aid agencies. The results demonstrate the variability in the distribution of China’s foreign assistance to 44 African countries. In particular, African countries with less population, worse economic development, but higher oil rents are more likely to receive ICT aid from China. This study also finds that aid implementation is less likely to occur through collaboration within the same sector or between state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and private companies. This research reveals nuanced geometries of aid with “Chinese characteristics” that move beyond the extractive “Angola model” or the mutual benefits model. These findings provide implications on how Chinese telecommunication companies are shaping Africa’s digital future." (Abstract)
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"First unveiled in 2015, the Digital Silk Road (DSR) component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has attracted more political and commercial attention as technology-related tensions between the US and China have risen. Whereas large-scale traditional infrastructure projects have so far bee
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n the focus of the BRI, the DSR is using technologies that will serve as the foundation of a new digital economy. It is also becoming more central to the BRI—President Xi Jinping’s signature international initiative—as Chinese technology companies improve their ability to expand globally, developing countries begin embracing digital technologies and considering moving to next-generation 5G networks, and Xi focuses increasingly on technology self-reliance and R&D in key technology sectors. The DSR is best understood as an umbrella branding effort and a narrative for Beijing to promote its global vision across a range of technology areas and projects. However, it is Chinese private companies that are the main drivers of the initiative, often using the DSR label to gain policy support to pursue overseas commercial expansion." (Page 1)
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"The Digital Silk Road is the component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative that aims to establish China as the global technological superpower. While the Belt and Road Initiative is generally understood to be a foreign policy initiative, it is important to view the Digital Silk Road as both a for
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eign and domestically focused aspect of the initiative. The first step to analyzing this component of the Belt and Road Initiative is to create a conceptual roadmap to understand the components of the Digital Silk Road. This paper argues that it comprises four interrelated, technologically focused initiatives. First, China is investing abroad in digital infrastructure, including next generation cellular networks, fiberoptic cables and data centers. Second, it contains a domestic focus on developing advanced technologies that will be essential to global economic and military power. These advanced technologies include satellite navigation systems, artificial intelligence and quantum computing. Third, because China recognizes the importance of economic interdependence to international influence, the Digital Silk Road promotes e-commerce through digital free trade zones. Last, digital diplomacy and governance, including through multilateral institutions, are key to China creating its ideal international digital environment.
After outlining a broad conceptual map of the Digital Silk Road, this paper focuses on how China’s investment in digital infrastructure and the strategic technological competition between China and the United States will shape the international orders in the Asia-Pacific region and globally. It argues that China perceives technological advancement as the sphere in which it can most adequately challenge the United States’ global power without creating direct confrontation, including possible military confrontation. Second, the United States seeks to constrain the Digital Silk Road and China’s technological ascendancy by presenting Chinese technology corporations as posing an unacceptable risk to international security. Third, China does not want to replace the current international order that has persisted since the end of the Second World War. Rather, it would like to maintain the liberal economic order that has permitted its economic rise and export its form of digital authoritarianism to create an illiberal political international order. Finally, through investing in data centers and pursuing data localization policies, China aims to achieve strategic geopolitical objectives by projecting sharp power abroad, which will be facilitated by big data." (Executive Summary)
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"Der „Digital Divide“ in Subsahara Afrika ist groß, nicht zuletzt wegen der (halb-)staatlichen Monopolgesellschaften, welche das Kommunikationsfestnetz in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten mehr schlecht verwaltet als gut bewirtschaftet haben und bis heute nur ca. 1,6% der Bevölkerung in Subsahara Af
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rika mit einem Festnetzanschluss versorgen konnten. Dadurch bleibt auch die Internetnutzung derzeit noch auf eine kleine Mittel- und Oberschicht in den urbanen Zentren in Subsahara Afrika beschränkt. Die schlechte Telekommunikationsinfrastruktur ist auch ein Grund weshalb E-Business in afrikanischen Unternehmen im formellen Sektor wenig verbreitet ist. Lediglich in südafrikanischen Unternehmen wird E-Business etwas häufiger eingesetzt. Das Internet dient dort in erster Linie zur E-Mail Kommunikation und zur Informationsrecherche. Webseiten und E-Commerce werden noch von weitaus weniger Unternehmen genutzt.
Die neuen Technologien sind aber auch eine „Digital Opportunity“ für die Region. Unternehmen welche E-Business einsetzen, realisieren durchaus Nutzeffekte. Außerdem zeigt die rasante Verbreitung von GSM-Handys, dass der Privatsektor in Subsahara Afrika dynamisch sein kann und viele schlummernden Potenziale hat, die zum Vorschein kommen, wenn die wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen stimmen und Wettbewerb in diesem Bereich nicht behindert wird. Sie hat auch gezeigt, dass selbst ärmere Bevölkerungsschichten über genügend Kaufkraft verfügen, um ausländische Investoren anzuziehen. Der formelle wie informelle Sektor profitiert von dem Ausbau des Mobilfunknetzes. Regionen, die lange Zeit isoliert waren, werden durch den Ausbau der Kommunikationstechnologie in regionale Wirtschaftskreisläufe nach und nach integriert. Die vorliegende Studie beschreibt sowohl, den Status Quo, die Erfolgsfaktoren und Wirkungen als auch interne wie externe Hindernisse bei der Ausbreitung und Verwendung von IKT im Wirtschaftsleben und zeigt Handlungsansätze auf." (Kurzfassung, Seite 2)
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