"Les pratiques « médiactivistes » numériques offrent de nouveaux cadres pour la formation et le développement des mobilisations sociales contemporaines. Elles élargissent le champ de la lutte et incitent à s'interroger sur le rôle que jouent les dispositifs numériques dans l'amplification o
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u l'amoindrissement de l'agir collectif. Cet ouvrage issu d'une recherche scientifique se base sur un travail empirique réalisé en France et en Algérie. Il invite les lecteurs à réfléchir sur les modalités de luttes contemporaines : en effet, les répertoires d'actions collectives ne sont pas figés dans l'espace et dans le temps, mais évoluent sans cesse au contact des dispositifs numériques." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"The 2024 Europe and Eurasia Vibrant Information Barometer (VIBE) covers 18 countries throughout Europe, Eurasia, and Central Asia. With VIBE, IREX strives to capture a modern and evolving media space where people are simultaneously producers, transmitters, consumers, and actors in the information t
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hat influences their lives and environments. This year’s edition focuses on the media and information space across the countries in the study during calendar year 2023, capturing the impact of the second year of the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, along with other issues related to the work of media like the lack of gender equity within the media sectors and issues with how gender is covered throughout the region." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"This chapter looks at the status of the freedom of the press, and the legal possibilities and obstacles that affect media’s ability to hold power to account and safeguard the principles of democracy. The legal environment in countries as diverse as the United States, Egypt, and Sweden differs gre
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atly, and affects the ability of journalists to report news to citizens that enables them to take part in the public discourse, based on theories on the public sphere. And according to theories on democracy, informed citizens can be seen as a requirement for democracy. Thus, certain conditions are necessary for journalism to be considered the fourth estate, and arguments for this are based on comparing the working conditions for independent professional journalists by semi-structured interviews with local journalists. Aspects discussed are access to official documents, media’s right to protect anonymous sources and the increase in intimidatory tactics against reporters, as the three countries are in different ways applying laws in order to regulate the media and their ability to hold power to account." (Abstract)
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"Survey results from news consumers around the world suggest that specialist or niche websites covering climate change are now one of the most important sources of climate information. However, there is very little detailed scholarship about these sites. We carried out semi-structured interviews wit
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h senior representatives of 14 online information sites, based in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries, which prioritize the provision of climate information following journalistic values. Through qualitative analysis of the interviews, we show how the sites carve out their niche authority and distinctive nature by emphasizing (to different degrees) their scientific expertise, relevance for policy communication, and their complementary contribution to the work of mainstream journalism. They offer a multiplicity of specialized content, broadly divided into certain, often discrete, aspects of climate change. The self-declared role perceptions of the interviewees suggest that traditional, professional journalistic values eschewing overt advocacy still predominate, although some of the practices, norms and priorities associated with these values have shifted, particularly in their roles as effective and authoritative mediators of climate science. At the theoretical level, the findings highlight the need to study “the niche” at the intersection of broader dimensions of authority, power and knowledge in changing media ecologies." (Abstract)
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"Les données d'Afrobarometer corroborent l'idée que l'utilisation des médias numériques est en pleine explosion sur le continent, bien que les taux d'adoption aient pu ralentir au cours des dernières années. Cependant, ces nouveaux environnements médiatiques sont également source de défis.
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La réduction des obstacles à l'accès et le repli des autorités de régulation pourraient aussi signifier que les informations erronées et les propos incitant à la discorde, y compris les discours de haine et les appels à la violence, se répandent plus rapidement, avec moins souvent la possibilité de vérifier les faits et d'étouffer les propos préjudiciables. En outre, les fractures numériques défavorisant les femmes, les moins instruits, les pauvres, les habitants des zones rurales et les personnes âgées ne disparaissent pas. En réalité, nombre de ces fractures sont plus importantes aujourd'hui qu'elles ne l'étaient il y a près de 10 ans. En dépit de ces évolutions, un média de masse – la radio – continue de dominer le paysage médiatique du continent, son utilisation n'ayant connu qu'un modeste déclin au cours des dernières années. En outre, la radio est à bien des égards le média de masse le plus démocratique, car les clivages démographiques qui marquent l'accès aux médias numériques sont faibles, voire inexistants. Cela dit, nous devons être prudents et noter que la radio a ses propres inconvénients, notamment en ce qui concerne les informations erronées et les propos clivants. En raison des paysages médiatiques en évolution, les publics africains sont confrontés à des enjeux importants sur la manière dont ils interagissent avec les médias et sur la manière dont ils attendent de leurs gouvernements qu'ils traitent les médias. Les données d'Afrobarometer suggèrent que les Africains sont majoritairement favorables à ce que les médias jouent un rôle important dans l'obligation de rendre des comptes aux gouvernements, en particulier en ce qui concerne le fléau de la corruption. En outre, la grande majorité des Africains soutiennent le droit des médias d'informer comme ils l'entendent, sans ingérence gouvernementale. Enfin, une grande majorité de répondants considèrent que leurs médias sont largement libres, bien que les évaluations varient considérablement d'un pays à l'autre." (Conclusion)
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"Afrobarometer data support the notion that the use of digital media is exploding across the continent, although rates of uptake may have slowed in recent years. However, these new media environments also pose challenges. Reduced barriers to access and the decline of gatekeepers can also mean that f
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alse information and divisive language, including hate speech and calls to violence, spread more quickly, with fewer opportunities to check facts and squelch harmful speech. In addition, digital divides disadvantaging women, the less educated, the poor, rural residents, and older citizens are not vanishing. In fact, many of these divides are larger today than they were almost a decade ago. In spite of these changes, one mass medium – radio – continues to dominate most markets on the continent, with only modest declines in use over the past several years. Further, radio is in many ways the most democratic of mass media, as many of the demographic divides that mark access to digital media are small to non-existent. That said, we must be cautious to note that radio presents its own set of problems, including its own issues with false information and divisive language. Evolving media landscapes mean that African publics face important questions about how they interact with media and how they expect their governments to treat media. Afrobarometer data suggest that Africans overwhelmingly support media playing an important role in holding governments accountable, particularly with regard to the scourge of corruption. Further, strong majorities are supportive of media’s right to report as they see fit, free of government interference. And a solid majority see their media as largely free, although assessments vary widely by country." (Conclusion)
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"Most scholars focus on the prevalence and democratic effects of (partisan) news exposure. This focus misses large parts of online activities of a majority of politically disinterested citizens. Although political content also appears outside of news outlets and may profoundly shape public opinion,
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its prevalence and effects are understudied at scale. This project combines three-wave panel survey data from three countries (total N = 7,266) with online behavioral data from the same participants (over 106M visits). We create a multi-lingual classifier to identify political content both in news and outside (e.g. in shopping or entertainment sites). We find that news consumption is infrequent: just 3.4% of participants’ online browsing comprised visits to news sites. Only between 14% (NL) and 36% (US) of these visits were to news about politics. The overwhelming majority of participants' visits were to non-news sites. Although only 1.6% of those visits related to politics, in absolute terms, citizens encounter politics more frequently outside of news than within news. Out of every 10 visits to political content, 3.4 come from news and 6.6 from non-news sites. Furthermore, exposure to political content outside news domains had the same – and in some cases stronger - associations with key democratic attitudes and behaviors as news exposure. These findings offer a comprehensive analysis of the online political (not solely news) ecosystem and demonstrate the importance of assessing the prevalence and effects of political content in non-news sources." (Abstract)
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"Legislation targeting “fake news” — a contested term used to reference both news and news providers that governments (or others) reject as well as disinformation campaigns — has increased significantly over the last few years, particularly in the wake of COVID-19. This study finds that even
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when technically aimed at curbing disinformation, the majority of “fake news” laws, either passed or actively considered from 2020 to 2023, lessen the protection of an independent press and risk the public’s open access to a plurality of fact-based news. Indeed, governments can — and have — used this type of legislation to label independent journalism as “fake news” or disinformation. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, among the 363 reporters jailed around the world in 2022, 39 were imprisoned for “fake news” or disinformation policy violations. Even within well-intended legislative policies, like Germany’s laws which focus on platform moderation of “illegal content” related to hate speech and Holocaust denial, concerns can arise over potential government censorship." (Page 1)
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"The new series Digital Progress and Trends Report adopts a holistic framework of digitalization, with selective topics examined in depth in each edition. The framework [...] includes both the production and the adoption sides of digital technologies and their interactions. Box ES.1 explains how the
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series supports global efforts to study the progress, gaps, benefits, and risks of digitalization. The benefits and risks are also interconnected and reflect the trade-offs and complexity of digitalization: innovation and growth can be accompanied by high concentration and reduced market contestability. Efficiency gains and lower costs for large businesses may mean higher inequality and polarization. Digitalization can create jobs and improve inclusion, but it also results in power asymmetry and makes it easier for governments and companies to monitor and control individuals. Digital innovation creates new possibilities for climate change mitigation and adaptation but expands the carbon footprint of the information and communication technology (ICT) sector. Cybersecurity, privacy, and misinformation are also major risks that can undermine trust in the digital space and circumvent the gains from digitalization. Countries need to maximize the benefits while minimizing the risks of digitalization." (Executive summary)
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"This study examines the coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic by the four leading newspapers of Pakistan—Dawn, The News, Daily Times and The Nation—when they were responsible for informing and educating the public during a health crisis hit by conspiracy theories. The researchers utilized content a
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nalysis to analyze 1,124 news stories. The findings reveal less emphasis was placed on scientifically investigating the causes, precautions and care of coronavirus and dispelling public misconceptions." (Abstract)
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"This paper presents an exploratory study aimed at systematically mapping the public actions taken by OSCE participating States to combat online violence against female journalists. Adopting a qualitative large N research design, the study examines national policies and initiatives across all 57 OSC
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E participating States. Through extensive desk research of official government documents and gray literature qualitative data is collected. The analysis thereof is guided by three research aims: (a) identifying actions implemented by participating states, (b) examining the roles of public sphere actors, and (c) assessing the approaches adopted to combat online violence. The paper discusses best practices identified in eleven OSCE participating States, shedding light on strategies for addressing online violence against female journalists. However, the findings highlight significant disparities in policy implementation and acknowledgment of the issue, with only a minority of states demonstrating proactive measures on the safety of journalists (11 states; 19.3%). Of these 11 States, only 7 participating States (12.28%) were found to have a gendered approach. 47 (80.7%) participating States lack information and/or targeted action on violence against journalists. Challenges including the legal gray area surrounding online violence, limited response from tech platforms, and the complexities of transnational collaboration are discussed. Finally, based on these insights, policy recommendations are proposed to enhance to address the multifaceted challenges more effectively. These include working towards multinational definitions and approaches on online gender-based violence against journalists, and developing international multi stakeholder cooperation and peer education." (Abstract)
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"The fifth edition of the Global Cybersecurity Index (GCI) measures the commitment of countries to cybersecurity in the context of measures across the following five pillars: legal; technical; organizational; capacity development; cooperation. The GCI, launched in 2015 by the International Telecommu
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nication Union, seeks to help countries to identify areas of improvement and encourage countries to act in building capacity and capabilities under each pillar. The GCI has been continuously adapted across editions to respond to changing risks, priorities and resources, in order to provide a more relevant snapshot of cybersecurity measures taken by countries. Since 2021, countries have on average taken more cybersecurity-related actions and improved their commitments to cybersecurity. The global average country score has risen to 65.7/100. Across the five GCI pillars, most countries are strongest in the legal pillar. By contrast, the average country is weakest in the capacity-development and technical pillars. Each region has countries that are role-modelling or are advancing, and each region also has countries that are in the beginning stages of building their cybersecurity commitments. To capture these differences, country performance is measured across five tiers, with Tier 1 being the highest and Tier 5 the lowest. These tiers provide peer groups based on scores to help countries to understand and identify role models for improvement." (Report summary, page 1)
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"In this special edition of ITU's Facts and Figures series, we explore the impressive progress and ongoing obstacles SIDS encounter amid the digital revolution. On the occasion of the fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States (SIDS4), our goal is to provide stakeholders with
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accurate data to inform their decisions. The connectivity challenge has grown more complex over the last decade. It's insufficient to simply connect the unconnected. Universal and meaningful connectivity – the possibility for everyone to enjoy a safe, satisfying, enriching, productive and online experience at an affordable cost – is the new policy imperative to harness the potential of connectivity and enable digital transformation.
SIDS share common issues: remoteness, limited markets, narrow economic bases, and high costs for energy and infrastructure. Moreover, they are highly vulnerable to climate change impacts, threatening their existence. Digital connectivity is crucial in mitigating these challenges by enabling access to information, facilitating communication, and creating economic opportunities. It can improve disaster response, management, and access to critical services, often constrained by geographic and resource limitations in SIDS. This publication offers a current view of SIDS connectivity and highlights gaps in our understanding, underscoring the urgent need for investment in data infrastructure and statistical capabilities as part of their development strategies." (Foreword)
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"In this ground-breaking two-volume set, world-leading experts produce a rich, authoritative depiction of the world's press, its freedom, and its limits. We want press freedom but we also want freedom from the press. A powerful press may expose corrupt government or aid it. It may champion citizens
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or unfairly attack them. A vulnerable press may lack supporters and succumb to conformity. It may resist, and overcome tyranny. According to common belief, press freedom involves social responsibilities to equip public debate and render government transparent. Is this attitude valid given that the press is usually a private, commercial actor? Globally, the health, authority, and viability of the press varies dramatically. These patterns do not conform to traditional divisions between North and South, East and West. Instead, they are much more complex. How do we measure successful press regulation? What concessions can the state and/or society demand of the press? What constitutes the irreducible core of press freedom? The contributions in Volume 1 look at key jurisdictions in Europe; whereas Volume 2 goes beyond Europe to analyse the situation in key jurisdictions in Asia, Africa, the Americas and Oceania." (Publisher description)
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"This paper examines the counter-violent extremism and anti-terrorism measures in Australia, China, France, the United Kingdom and the United States by investigating how governments leveraged internet intermediaries as their surrogate censors. Particular attention is paid to how political rhetoric l
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ed to legislation passed or proposed in each of the countries studied, and their respective restrictive measures are compared against the recommendations specified by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression. A typology for international comparison is proposed, which provides further insights into a country’s policy focus." (Abstract)
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"In this article, we suggest that the ideological cultural forces explain the differences in journalism practices in Western and Muslim majority countries (MMC). It is argued that the norms, values, and the deep political culture of the West and MMC have been materialized leading to different types
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of journalism practices. The statistical analysis of 11,246 interviews from twenty four Western and MMC conducted as part of the second wave of Worlds of Journalism Study demonstrates that journalists’ perception of influences, editorial autonomy, and journalistic roles reflect clear varied patterns, which resemble the overall cultural lines that shape their journalistic ideology. This article, we argue, has extended the hierarchical model of influences to embrace the wider regional cultural lines that avoid the trap of national media systems—centrism. Furthermore, it refutes the dominance of a global Western monoculture and, in turn, a singular global journalism practice." (Abstract)
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"The Ukrainian crisis has received substantial Global Northern policy support and favourable news coverage, contrasting sharply with Global Southern crises. Nevertheless, refugee organizations can influence public perceptions through social media. This study comparatively analyses UNHCR’s Instagra
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m communication strategies for the Ukrainian and Syrian crises (2022–2023). Applying a multimodal critical discourse analysis on UNHCR’s Instagram posts (N=90), we discern interacting humanitarian and post-humanitarian appeals, involving inter- and intra-group hierarchies of deservingness, expanding research on humanitarian communication. While UNHCR mainly represents forcibly displaced Ukrainians as victims and focuses on ‘ideal victims’, it mostly portrays forcibly displaced Syrians as empowered individuals, likely due to context-specific differences and partially countering news and policy narratives. Both humanitarian representations often intersect with post-humanitarian strategies, facilitated by Instagram affordances. This study thus contributes to the literature on humanitarian communication with comparative crisis-specific and platform-specific insights and causes. Moreover, it nuances the often-assumed importance of post-humanitarian imageries on social media." (Abstract)
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"Across 39 countries surveyed in 2021/2023, a majority of Africans express support for public access to information such as local government budgets, local government bids and contracts, and even the salaries of public officials and teachers. But although demand for public information is high, few c
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itizens think they could obtain such information. While public officials may argue in favour of keeping information secret, the data show that access to information is strongly associated with perceptions of corruption and trust: Citizens are more likely to view their elected leaders as corrupt, and less likely to trust them, in countries where access to information is perceived to be difficult." (Summary, Pages 1-2)
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"A travers les 39 pays sondés en 2021/2023, la majorité des Africains sont favorables à l'accès du public à des informations telles que les budgets des collectivités locales, les appels d'offres et les contrats des collectivités locales, et même les salaires des fonctionnaires et des enseign
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ants. Cependant, même si la demande d'informations publiques est élevée, peu de citoyens pensent pouvoir obtenir ces informations. Si les fonctionnaires justifient le maintien du secret de l'information, les données montrent que l'accès à l'information est étroitement lié à la perception de la corruption et à la confiance : Les citoyens sont plus susceptibles de considérer leurs dirigeants élus comme corrompus et moins susceptibles de leur faire confiance dans les pays où l'accès à l'information est considérée difficile." (Résumé, Pages 1-2)
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"This book brings together a vast range of pre-eminent experts, academics, and practitioners to interrogate the role of media in representing economic inequality. It explores and deconstructs the concept of economic inequality by examining the different dimensions of inequality and how it has evolve
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d historically; how it has been represented and portrayed in the media; and how, in turn, those representations have informed the public's knowledge of and attitudes towards poverty, class and welfare, and political discourse. Taking a multi-disciplinary, comparative, and historical approach, and using a variety of new and original data sets to inform the research, studies herein examine the relationship between media and inequality in UK, Western Europe, and USA. In addition to generating new knowledge and research agendas, the book generates suggestions of ways to improve news coverage on this topic and raise the level of the debate, and will improve understanding about economic inequality, as it has evolved, and as it continues to develop in academic, political and media discourses. This book will be of interest to academics and practitioners alike in the areas of journalism, media studies, economics, and the social sciences, as well as political commentators and those interested more broadly in social policy." (Publisher description)
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