"Using expert interviews and focus groups, this book investigates the theoretical and practical intersection of misinformation and social media hate in contemporary societies. Social Media and Hate argues that these phenomena, and the extreme violence and discrimination they initiate against targete
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d groups, are connected to the socio-political contexts, values and behaviours of users of social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, ShareChat, Instagram and WhatsApp. The argument moves from a theoretical discussion of the practices and consequences of sectarian hatred, through a methodological evaluation of quantitative and qualitative studies on this topic, to four qualitative case studies of social media hate, and its effects on groups, individuals and wider politics in India, Brazil, Myanmar and the UK. The technical, ideological and networked similarities and connections between social media hate against people of African and Asian descent, indigenous communities, Muslims, Dalits, dissenters, feminists, LGBTQIA+ communities, Rohingya and immigrants across the four contexts is highlighted, stressing the need for an equally systematic political response." (Publisher description)
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"Algorithms are not to be regarded as a technical structure but as a social phenomenon - they embed themselves, currently still very subtle, into our political and social system. Algorithms shape human behavior on various levels: they influence not only the aesthetic reception of the world but also
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the well-being and social interaction of their users. They act and intervene in a political and social context. As algorithms influence individual behavior in these social and political situations, their power should be the subject of critical discourse - or even lead to active disobedience and to the need for appropriate tools and methods which can be used to break the algorithmic power." (Publisher description)
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"Dieser Bericht vertieft die Ergebnisse einer Medienanalyse, bei der zu pädagogischen Zwecken (gute wie schlechte) Beispiele von Medienberichterstattung im Zusammenhang mit rassistischer Diskriminierung in Schweizer Nachrichtenmedien zusammengetragen wurden. […] Diese Studie stützt sich auf deta
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illierte Untersuchungen von drei Artikeln mit diskriminierenden Auswirkungen. Sie umfasst die Analyse der Artikel selbst (Diskursanalyse) und vertiefte Gespräche (Forschungsinterviews) mit den Autorinnen bzw. Autoren der Artikel, weiteren Journalistinnen und Journalisten sowie Mitgliedern der Redaktion, die für den jeweiligen Artikel zuständig war. Diese Interviews ermöglichten es, die wichtigsten Schritte bei der Produktion von Nachrichten, die als diskriminierungssensibel bezeichnet werden können, nachzuvollziehen und die dabei wirksamen Berufspraktiken und -logiken zu identifizieren." (Vorwort, iii & Abstract iv)
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"Caste discrimination remains one of the world’s most serious human rights issues. It is intrinsically linked with hate speech, but as this report has demonstrated, insufficient attention has been paid to the caste-based aspects of hate speech. All too often, caste-hate speech is allowed to contin
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ue unchecked, not least on social media platforms. Campaigners against caste discrimination rightly argue that unless caste is specifically mentioned in the human rights discourse instead of being “hidden” under other headlines, there is a huge risk that the issue will be ignored. This warning also applies to caste-hate speech. Consequently, it is essential that caste-hate speech is recognised as a protected characteristic in international covenants – and as a distinctive form of hate speech – and that Dalits are included in actions to mitigate caste-hate speech online and offline, at every level. Anything less will enable abusers to continue practising this form of hate speech – and condemn Dalits and other groups to even more abuse and violence." (Conclusion)
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"In India, religious texts, social customs, rituals, and everyday cultural practices legitimise the use of hate speech against marginalised caste groups. Notions of "purity" of “upper-caste” groups, and conversely of "pollution" of “lower-caste” groups, have made the latter subject to discri
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mination, violence and dehumanisation. These dynamics invariably manifest online, with social media platforms becoming sites of caste discrimination and humiliation. This report explores two research questions. First, what are the specific contours of caste-hate speech and abuse online? Semi-structured interviews with 12 scholars and activists belonging to Dalit, Bahujan and Adivasi (DBA) groups show that marginalised groups regularly face hate and harassment based on their caste. In addition to the overt hate, DBA individuals and groups are often targeted with abuse for availing reservations – a constitutionally mandated right. More covert forms of hate and abuse are also prevalent: trolls mix caste names and words from different languages together so that their comments appear meaningless to individuals who are not keenly aware of the local context. Such hateful expression often emerges as a reaction from “upper-caste” groups to DBA resistance and social justice movements. Our respondents reported that the hateful expression can sometimes silence caste-marginalised groups and individuals, exclude them from conversations, and adversely impact their physical and mental well-being. The second question we explore is how popular social media platforms and online spaces moderate caste-hate speech and abuse. We analysed the community guidelines, policies and transparency reports of Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Clubhouse. We find that Facebook, Twitter and YouTube incorporated "caste" as a protected characteristic in their hate speech and harassment policies only in the last two or three years – many years after they entered Indian and South Asian markets – showing a disregard for the regional contexts of their users. Even after these policy changes, many platforms – whose forms for reporting harmful content list gender and race – still do not list caste. Social media companies should radically increase their investment and capacity in understanding regional contexts and languages; they must focus on the dynamics of casteist hate and abuse. They will need to collaborate with a diverse set of DBA activists to ensure that their community guidelines effectively tackle overt, covert and hyper -local forms of caste-hate speech and abuse, and that their implementation and reporting processes match these policy commitments." (Eexecutive summary)
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"1. The findings reveal the disproportionate impact fake news has on minority communities in Indonesia, including psychological stress, economic damage, sexual and physical violence and harm. 2. It sheds light on how fake news has been weaponized by hegemonic groups in society to both amass various
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forms of political and religious capital, as well as to socially control and discipline minority groups. 3. Furthermore, it shows how the state is implicated in the problem through biased and politicized policing of fake news. 4. Given that the proliferation of fake news is facilitated through modern social media platforms, increased state regulation towards these platforms has the potential to curb the worst effects of disinformation and create a healthier public sphere. 5. More than delegating the resolution of the problem to the government however, it is also important that ground-up solutions – especially educational efforts to both raise awareness of fake news, as well as the phenomenon of how fake new is being instrumentalized politically – are advanced." (Key findings)
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"South Africa’s upcoming general election marks 25 years of multi-racial democracy: a milestone which has us reflecting on how far the country has come - and how far it has to go. Despite real and lasting achievements, problems of massive economic inequalities, disparities in land ownership, and h
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igh unemployment persist and are exacerbated by issues like migration and the climate crisis. It’s within this context that hateful language has spiked; certain politicians and members of the public have pushed anti-immigrant rhetoric while others have called for the expropriation without compensation of white-owned land, leading to fears that the chasms between and among South Africa’s political, social, and economic classes will only grow larger. In response, PeaceTech Lab partnered with South Africa’s Media Monitoring Africa to examine the origins, context, and influence of hateful speech in the country. [This publication] pairs social media analysis with in-depth qualitative research to help everyone - from civil society activists to government officials - in their efforts to address the surging problem of hate speech." (Publisher description)
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"Language is one of the main ways that discrimination is enacted. In the discourse of discrimination there is a set of key words that denote the processes of prejudice. This book discusses the lexical semantics of this field of words and how, as a cognitive process, they underlie insults, hate speec
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h, slurs, derogatory phrases, terms of abuse and other linguistic acts of discrimination. Stollznow presents a semantic analysis employing reductive paraphrase, using data sourced from naturally occurring examples and corpora. Relevant semantic phenomena are also examined, such as synonymy, polysemy, metaphor, euphemism and dysphemism, semantic shift, pejoration, amelioration and reclamation. This book examines the way people enact racism, sexism, ageism and other forms of discrimination in language." (Publisher description)
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"De acuerdo con los estudios de análisis de medios reseñados, se confirma con claridad que las poblaciones que sufren más discriminación de manera sistemática en los medios son las comunidades indígenas y afroperuanas. Por un lado, la población indígena es comúnmente representada en asociac
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ión con escenarios de pobreza, violencia, ignorancia, torpeza y poco atractivo físico; en tanto los afroperuanos, además de ser menos visibilizados, son mostrados como objeto de burla o son estereotipados con facilidad, encasillándolos con temas como la vitalidad sexual, la afinidad por la danza o el deporte, y dejando de lado las características individuales de cada persona, así como otros posibles logros o aportes a la sociedad. Todo ello es mostrado en contraste con el protagonismo de personajes blancos, que suelen vincularse con modelos de éxito, autoridad, veracidad, etc. En esa línea, en los programas informativos opera una discriminación por invisibilización; mientras que en los programas de espectáculos opera la perpetuación de representaciones y estereotipos asociados a raza, procedencia social, sexo, entre otros." (Conclusiones y recomendaciones, página 119)
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"This article is based on a qualitative study that set out to analyze the labels and terms attached to 28 people affected by albinism in villages in Kilolo district, Tanzania. Even though national and international attention to killings of people with albinism has attempted to improve general knowle
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dge of albinism and reduce discrimination, most of the community members within the study had little knowledge of the (bio)medical explanations for albinism and tended to marginalize people with albinism. Framed within a wider moral discourse on illness, disability and socially appropriate behavior, albinism is mostly considered to be God’s will or the consequence of past misdeeds within the family, and many of the existing labels for people with albinism express such ideas." (Abstract)
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"This study analyzes the Slovenian media writing about the Roma in autumn 1997 when the villagers of Maline set up a village watch to prevent the settlement of a Romani family who bought a house in their village. The prevalent mood of the coverage could be summed up with a single word - “problems
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. Moreover, when writing about the Roma, the media invariably use the expressions “Romani issues” or “Romani problems”. The media are not interested in their difficulties unless they turn into a conflict that also threatens to affect the majority population. Out of 131 accounts in newspapers, on television and radio, only one falls short of our hypothesis that the media write about ethnic minorities only when they are involved in some conflict." (Summary, page 7)
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