"In March 2010, in Geneva, the UN's Human Rights Council (HRC) voted by a narrow margin to accept a nonbinding Resolution on “Combating Defamation of Religions.” (Hereafter, “the Resolution.”) Resolutions like this one have been offered regularly at the HRC and in the General Assembly, have
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the support of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the Arab League, and have passed regularly over the last decade in all of these various fora. I think this widespread support is regrettable and I hope that this idea does not gain a serious foothold in international human rights law. In fact, the Resolution had less support in March 2010 than it had had in the past and, as this volume goes to press, it appears that the resolution's proponents have abandoned their efforts, at least for the foreseeable future. I am glad that this is so, and in this chapter I want to explain why. To do this, I will have first to say something about the considerations that I think favor laws against defamation in general; my aim is to make the best case for legal sanctions against defamation of religion in particular before recommending against such legal sanctions." (Introduczion)
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"This report provides an overview of the different kinds of laws that affect the media and explains how they are used in many countries to influence the operations of news outlets and the information they offer. It focuses on restrictive laws more than on those of the enabling and empowering variety
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, for the simple reason that enabling laws are–unfortunately–relatively rare. It also considers how Internet-based outlets are affected by laws, and how the legal regime in a country affects the ability of individual bloggers or citizen journalists to hold their governments to account. This is a particularly significant area of inquiry as the reach of digital media spreads around the world, increasing in importance as the means by which citizens receive their news and information. While the focus of this report is on the impact of laws on media in the developing world, it also considers the use of laws–particularly on terrorism and libel–in other parts of the world. Many countries have inherited their libel laws from Britain or France, for example, and legal developments there continue to be influential elsewhere. Similarly, many countries have taken a copycat approach to introducing new anti-terrorism laws from the United States, the United Kingdom, and Western Europe and have applied them to clamp down on those who criticize the government." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This report by Drew Sullivan, a journalist, editor, and media development specialist, explains how lawsuits can force media organizations to censor themselves or limit the distribution of their news content, restricting freedom of expression and thus threatening one of the foundations of democracy.
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Vested political, business, and criminal interests, especially in the developing world, are increasingly using the courts to redress alleged harms, punish journalists and scare off publishers. Sullivan’s report describes the practice, known as “libel tourism,” of shopping worldwide for plaintiff-friendly courts. While the United Kingdom is currently the jurisdiction of choice for many plaintiffs, by publishing online, a media organization faces the risk of a lawsuit in just about any country. Given the wide variety of defamation standards, court practices, and freedom of speech standards, the risks are almost impossible to manage. Leveling the playing field requires the passage of laws in many jurisdictions, better standards and awareness of risks among journalists, and an industry-wide solution to the problems of insurance and legal defense." (https://www.cima.ned.org)
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"According to the introduction, this 'guide is intended as a tool for media reform particularly in developing and transitional democracies. At the same time, it should be useful anywhere people aspire to a deeper democracy. Building democracy is a process, often long-term, and promoting free, plural
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istic, and independent media should be a central part of it.' The book provides development practitioners with an overview of the key policy and regulatory issues involved in supporting freedom of information and expression and enabling independent public service media. Country examples illustrate how these norms have been institutionalized in various contexts. Specific chapters cover public service, community nonprofit and commercial broadcasting regulation. The study is complemented by a 122-page bibliographical annex." (CAMECO Update 5-2008)
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"This article, inter alia, attempts to analyze and focus on the historical, formalistic, and design aspects of Pakistan’s existing blasphemy laws from a comparative perspective. It argues that, quite apart from procedural inadequacies of the Pakistani legal system and its special socio-political c
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ircumstances, the very form and design of the blasphemy laws invite abuse.2 Findings demonstrate that textual lacunae in the law enable its use as an instrument of misuse, hence leading to the argument that the abusive potential of the law exists even independently of social context. When the blasphemy laws are contextualized within the atmosphere of increasing religious intolerance pervading certain sections of the social fabric in Pakistan, however, their subversive potential is revealed in its entirety. In effect, the blasphemy laws, in their current form, are an instance of legislation inherently open to abuse, operating in an environment that is at times unfortunately conducive to that abuse. This has also resulted in their emergence as a potent tool for the victimization of religious minorities and relegation of these minorities, in many instances, to the status of fearful pariahs subject to legally mandated persecution. The existence of blasphemy laws can be argued for in a society and under a constitutional framework that attaches a premium to the underlying sacred values that such laws may be promulgated to protect. This article, however, argues that the laws, in their current form, have caused, and continue to cause, several miscarriages of justice and are a stimulus for strengthening the negative and highly divisive forces of obscurantism, intolerance, and fanaticism in Pakistani society." (Introduction, pages 305-306)
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"The African Charter on Broadcasting, adopted in 2001 on the tenth anniversary of the Windhoek Declaration, alongside the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa establish a series of important principles that should guide the de
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velopment of African broadcasting. These include: the crucial important of independent broadcasting regulators; the transformation of state and government broadcasters into public broadcasters; the importance of encouraging pluralism and diversity in ownership of broadcasting. The task of implementing these principles lies to a large extent with African broadcasting regulators. This manual is aimed at members and staff of African broadcasting regulatory bodies, along with others, such as journalists, broadcasters and civil society groups who are seeking to realize the ideals in these declarations." (Purpose of this manual, page 10)
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"An introduction and a reference guide to the main legal issues facing journalists, this book presumes no prior legal knowledge but covers all the relevant areas including defamation, privacy contempt of court, freedom of expression, and intellectual property." (Publisher description)