"Ausgehend von der Geschichte des Internets und einer Definition des »Social Webs« werden zunächst dessen Erscheinungsformen vorgestellt, verglichen und eingeordnet. Darauf folgt eine Beschreibung der technischen Grundlagen sowie der auftretenden Gruppenprozesse und der gesellschaftlichen Bedeutu
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ng des »Social Webs«." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This study identified three local or subregional incidents that led to heated debates on Twitter: a video shared on Twitter of the sexual assault of a woman on Cairo’s Tahrir Square in June 2014, anti-fracking protests in southern Algeria in early 2015, and Saudi Arabia’s military intervention
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in Yemen in March 2015 [...] By closely tracing how Twitter debates on these three issues unfolded and conducting interviews with agenda setters for these debates, this study sheds light on Twitter’s role in important social and political discussions as well as on the scope and patterns of Twitter networks. In other words, it highlights the various ways Twitter is being utilized by ordinary people, activists, media outlets, and officials, and it provides an idea of the political impact they can have via Twitter." (Page 5)
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"This descriptive, empirical study gives context to how print journalists in two politically different African nations, Senegal and Ethiopia, use Twitter and Facebook to report the news and to what extent. We ask, ‘how is this new model of online reporting manifesting itself in Ethiopian and Seneg
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alese newsrooms, given Senegal’s track record of democratic government and free press and Ethiopia’s infamously authoritarian control and censorship of the country’s journalists?’. The method is a content analysis of 60 days of posts on ten print newspapers’ Twitter and Facebook pages, to establish a comparative assessment of the two nations. Findings are also given context by comparing the print newspapers’ popularity on Twitter and Facebook against each nation’s top 20 most popular Twitter and Facebook pages. Results show Ethiopia to be markedly behind in Twitter posts, but the newspapers of each country show similar rates of posting to Facebook. Journalists in both nations are not livetweeting events, but instead are linking content on social media to the newspaper’s main home page." (Abstract)
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"From September through December 2014, we estimate that at least 46,000 Twitter accounts were used by ISIS supporters, although not all of them were active at the same time [...] Typical ISIS supporters were located within the organization’s territories in Syria and Iraq, as well as in regions con
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tested by ISIS. Hundreds of ISIS-supporting accounts sent tweets with location metadata embedded. Almost one in five ISIS supporters selected English as their primary language when using Twitter. Three quarters selected Arabic. ISIS-supporting accounts had an average of about 1,000 followers each, considerably higher than an ordinary Twitter user. ISIS-supporting accounts were also considerably more active than non-supporting users. Much of ISIS’s social media success can be attributed to a relatively small group of hyperactive users, numbering between 500 and 2,000 accounts, which tweet in concentrated bursts of high volume. A minimum of 1,000 ISIS-supporting accounts were suspended between September and December 2014, and we saw evidence of potentially thousands more. Accounts that tweeted most often and had the most followers were most likely to be suspended. At the time our data collection launched in September 2014, Twitter began to suspend large numbers of ISIS-supporting accounts [...] Account suspensions do have concrete effects in limiting the reach and scope of ISIS activities on social media. They do not, at the current level of implementation, eliminate those activities, and cannot be expected to do this." (Executive summary)
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"In summer 2012, the Archbishop of the Church of Sweden appeared on Twitter. There was only one problem – it was not the Archbishop himself who was tweeting, but an anonymous person. A discussion then ensued on Twitter and in the blogosphere between those in favor of the Archbishop and his departm
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ent and mainly social media proponents. The present article describes and analyzes the social media debate, and how authority and hierarchies are negotiated in and through social media. The analysis is based on Heidi Campbell’s “Religious-Social Shaping of Technology” model, and emphasizes the need to take into account not only the faith and tradition of the religious actor, but also the societal context in which the negotiating process takes place. In this case, the concepts of “mediatization” and “secularization” are used to understand the broader context of the process." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the spatial politics of Othering and whether women are marginalized in political conversations online in India. It's methodology consists of an analysis of 23,350 tweets over an eight-day period. It shows a significant underrepresentation of women in Twitter's political conversa
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tions, which mirrors a real-world marginalization of women in India's political processes." (Abstract)
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"This article critically reflects on how social media platforms such as Twitter (read here as a heteroglossic text and space) enable and encourage public participation in wider national conversations. The article explores this through the work of key bloggers/activists and citizen journalists, refle
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cting on how they construct as well as enable new participatory forms of civic/political engagement through Twitter. While the platform seems to have created its own hierarchies, horizontal participation is still much greater than with mainstream media formats. The discussion demonstrates the growing institutionalisation of the online space as an important platform for popular expression in Kenya, if at the same time offering an indictment of mainstream media's regime of ‘closure’ to outsider voices." (Abstract)
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"Kuwait boasts high levels of political and media freedoms compared to many countries in the Middle East, and it enjoys a vibrant social media scene. The Kuwaiti parliamentary election in February 2012 was the first election in which candidates widely utilized Twitter during their campaigns. This ar
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ticle presents a content analysis of tweets sent by the 50 winning members of parliament (MPs) during the campaign period. It seeks to ascertain the Twitter usage patterns of MPs and determine whether Twitter was an effective tool in gaining votes. Although Twitter was widely used among MPs, it was employed less for information sharing or communicating about political issues and more for engaging with followers. This article concludes that no relationship existed between using Twitter and gaining votes. Rather, the social media platform acted as a natural extension of off-line interactions between MPs and the electorate." (Abstract)
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"Analysis of the unprecedented use of social media on Syria points to important findings on the role of new media in conflict zones. In particular, social media create a dangerous illusion of unmediated information flows. Key curation hubs within networks may now play a gatekeeping role as powerful
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as that of television producers and newspaper editors. The implications for policymakers driven by responsibility to protect concerns are serious. The pattern in social media toward clustering into insular likeminded communities is unmistakable and has profound implications. We need a more sophisticated understanding of structural bias in social media and the difficult challenges in activist curation. It is not enough to develop methods for authenticating particular videos or vetting specific claims." (Summary)
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"The survey administered for this issue measures public attitudes and perceptions towards the adoption of social media by Arab governments for the purpose of public service delivery. Respondents were asked about their usage of government social media pages, their perceptions of benefits and risks in
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volve in using social media for service delivery, perceptions towards possible improvements in government’s use of social media, and government and civic social media practices. Overall, our findings show that perceptions about the use of social media were positive – 55% of respondents said they strongly support the use of social media by government for the design and delivery of public services. Respondents had high expectations of the benefits of using social media for citizen engagement for the purpose of improving service delivery. They agreed that social media made government entities and officials more accessible and collaboration more feasible." (Page 7)
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"Twitter is the primary social media platform discussed in this Think Brief. However, the use of hashtags has spread to other social media platforms, including Sina Weibo, Facebook, Google+ and Diaspora. As a result, the ideas behind hashtag standardization may have a much larger sphere of influence
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than just this one platform. Three hashtag standards are encouraged and discussed: early standardization of the disaster name (e.g., #Fay), how to report non-emergency needs (e.g., #PublicRep) and requesting emergency assistance (e.g., #911US). As well as standardizing hashtags, emergency response agencies should encourage the public to enable Global Positioning System (GPS) when tweeting during an emergency. This will provide highly detailed information to facilitate response." (Page 2)
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"Masudul Biswas and Carrie Sipes perform a comparative content analysis of Twitter and Facebook posts from a sample of Syrian and Libyan activist groups. By considering online content in the context of post-revolution Libya and the continuing upheaval in Syria, the authors shed new light on online a
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ctivist agenda-setting. They find that while social media is used as a tool to maintain and expand momentum during revolution, in a post-revolution climate the same media serves as a venue for idea-sharing and political discourse." (www.arabmediasociety.com)
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"This paper reflects the adaptation and transformation of the Chinese party-state's government strategy in the digital era. Through a discourse analysis of the current Chinese debate on the role of microblogs in China, it argues that China's political elites have revised their social management stra
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tegy. They now tend to base their political decision-making on strategic calculations that reflect online public opinion in order to increase the system's efficiency and to generate a new kind of performance-based legitimacy. This turn to a more responsive mode of governance has been driven by the findings of Internet surveys and reports provided by Chinese research institutes and advisory bodies. A close reading of these documents and reports helps to answer the question of why authoritarian states such as China do not prohibit the spread of new communication technologies, even though these are said to have triggered or at least facilitated the rebellions of the Arab Spring." (Abstract)
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"Internet companies have become the new gatekeepers of information–and their data-parsing algorithms the twenty-first century equivalent of the stereotypical editor with the green eyeshade who filtered the news before passing it along to readers .. As they have expanded globally, these pioneering
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corporations have had to face, and deal with, a tough reality. The Internet that gave them birth espouses all sorts of high-minded principles of open and free expression. But many of the governments in countries that offer tantalizingly large commercial markets not only don’t espouse those principles, they actively deny them [...] This report offers these recommendations for addressing the role of the new information gatekeepers in the age of the Internet: The dominant Internet companies should be more transparent about how they decide on content issues ...; The start-ups of today should consider the lessons of the recent past ...; Twitter (and the telecoms, and other ICT companies) should join the Global Network Initiative ...; The Global Network Initiative should toughen up." (Executive summary, page 6-7)
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"An extraordinary wave of popular protest swept the Arab world in 2011. Massive popular mobilization brought down long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, helped spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, and fundamentally reshaped the nature of politics in the region. New media -
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at least that which uses bit.ly linkages - did not appear to play a significant role in either in-country collective action or regional diffusion during this period. This lack of impact does not mean that social media - or digital media generally - were unimportant. Nor does it preclude the possibility that other new media technologies were significant in these contexts, or even that different Twitter or link data would show different results. But it does mean that at least in terms of media that use bit.ly links (especially Twitter), data do not provide strong support for claims of significant new media impact on Arab Spring political protests. New media outlets that use bit.ly are more likely to spread information outside the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry. This dissemination could be significant if it led to a boomerang effect that brought international pressure to bear on autocratic regimes, or helped reduce a regimefs tendency to crack down violently on protests. It is increasingly difficult to separate new media from old media. In the Arab Spring, the two reinforced each other. New media must be understood as part of a wider information arena in which new and old media form complex interrelationships. Of the four major Arab Spring protests analyzed - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Bahrain - large differences were found across the four in the amount of information consumed via social media. The events in Egypt and in Libya (#jan25 and #feb17, respectively) garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs than those in Tunisia and Bahrain." (Summary, page 3)
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"Partizipative Internettechnologien sorgen für ein verändertes Aufgabenprofil und Rollenbild von Journalisten. Besonders in Krisensituationen oder bei politischen Konflikten können Informationen, die über die sozialen Plattformen des Webs verbreitet werden, wichtige Quellen journalistischer Arbe
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it sein. Innerhalb dieser Plattformen hat Twitter in jüngster Vergangenheit große Aufmerksamkeit erhalten. In diesem Beitrag werden im Rahmen einer Fallstudie die Beziehungen des US-Journalisten Robert Mackey auf Twitter untersucht, um Erkenntnisse über dessen Rolle in einem komplexen sozialen System zu erlangen. Kontext der Untersuchung sind die politischen Unruhen in Iran nach den Wahlen am 12. Juni 2009, in deren Verlauf Journalisten auf Berichte von Augenzeugen vor Ort, verbreitet über Blogs, YouTube und Twitter, angewiesen waren. Die Untersuchung basiert auf Techniken der sozialen Netzwerkanalyse und der sozialwissenschaftlichen Inhaltsanalyse. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Twitter nicht nur ein weiterer Kanal zur Verbreitung von Inhalten ist, sondern auch zum Aufspüren von Quellen, zur Anreicherung von Themen und zur Vernetzung mit unterschiedlichen Communities genutzt wird." (Abstract)
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"Social media, particularly blogging, Facebook and Twitter, have played a key role in instigating, accelerating and even organizing some of the uprisings and revolutions that have been taking place all over the Middle East. This role has been effective in galvanizing the youth and empowering them in
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their fights against repressive regimes and their plight for more freedom and independence. This study looks into the social media role in the so-called “Facebook revolution”, which took place in Egypt in January 2011 and the so-called “Twitter uprising”, which took place in Iran in June 2009. The Egyptian revolution did succeed in toppling the regime, while the Iranian uprising failed. Why did the calls for political change that started in the virtual world lead to actual change in the real world in Egypt but not in Iran? This study addresses this question by providing a critical analysis of the available literature and interviews with online activists in Egypt and Iran. The authors used the SPIN model (Segmentation, polycentrism, integration and networking) as a theoretical framework and concluded that the model helped social media succeed in Egypt, but not in Iran." (Abstract)
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