"In Brasilien paktieren evangelikale Kirchen offen mit rechtsextremen Politikern um den Ex-Präsidenten Jair Bolsonaro. Die Regierung der Arbeiterpartei von Präsident Lula da Silva sucht nach einem Rezept gegen diese unheilvolle Allianz. Sie müsste vor allem ihre soziale Basis in den verarmten Vor
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städten der brasilianischen Metropolen zurückerobern." (Einleitung)
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"Die Anpassungsdynamik, die Verankerung in der brasilianischen traditionellen Kultur und dem Ethos, und andererseits die Durchlässigkeit für die Globalisierung, die Fähigkeit, auf individuelle Bedürfnisse direkt zu reagieren, all dies trug dazu bei, dass sich der Pentekostalismus neu formte und
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eine wichtige Rolle in der Öffentlichkeit eroberte. Die Pfingstbewegung bietet heute in Brasilien eine breite Palette von Stilen, Theologien, Liturgien und Angeboten, die zu den unterschiedlichsten sozioökonomischen, kulturellen, geschlechtsspezifischen und ethnischen Gruppen in der Gesellschaft passen [...] Religiöse Pluralisierung, Expansion der Pfingstkirchen und die Intensivierung des interreligiösen Wettbewerbs stimulierten die Gemeinschaft und führten zu einer Neubelebung des Katholizismus vor allem durch die Charismatische Erneuerung. Diese Strömung innerhalb der katholischen Kirche hat die Evangelisationstätigkeit der Katholiken mithilfe von elektronischen Medien verstärkt, führte zu einem größeren Engagement in der Parteipolitik und zu Investitionen in die Verlags- und Musikbranche. Diese katholische Reaktion trug nur mäßig dazu bei, den sozialen und religiösen Handlungsspielraum der Pfingstler sowie die Intensität und Geschwindigkeit ihres Wachstums zu reduzieren. Die Ausbreitung der Pfingstbewegung setzt sich in der Tat fort, vor allem bei den ärmeren Schichten, die daran interessiert sind, die Prekarität und soziale Gefährdung, die sie sowohl religiös als auch gemeinschaftlich erfahren, zu überwinden." (Seite 195-196)
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"Este artigo dedica-se ao fenômeno da ampliação da ocupação de espaço pelos evangélicos na política nacional, com ênfase no lugar das mídias nesse processo. Destina-se atenção a um fenômeno em particular: a emergência do ativismo político evangélico. O objetivo é demonstrar como a m
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idiatização das religiões, especificamente o processo que envolve a fé evangélica no Brasil, é potencializadora desse fenômeno, provocando o surgimento do ativismo político digital evangélico. O estudo é desenvolvido em perspectiva interdisciplinar com base em abordagens teóricas da comunicação (estudos sobre midiatização social) e das ciências da religião (evangélicos na política no Brasil) e em trabalhos da autora que relacionam mídia, religião e política. Resulta deste estudo a constatação de que o ativismo político digital evangélico emerge dos processos de midiatização vividos por esse segmento religioso no Brasil." (Resumo)
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"A Moving Faith captures the dynamic shift of Christianity to the South and portrays a global movement that promises prosperity, healing, empowerment, and gender equality by invoking neo-Pentecostal and Charismatic resources. It postulates that neither North America nor Europe is the current center
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of the Christian faith. The book provides a detailed overview of how migration of Christians from the South enriches the North, for instance, Pope Francis brings newness, freshness, and the vigor characteristic of the South. While describing Christianity’s growth in the South, it suggests that, in fact, there is no center for this global faith. It explores this great move of Christianity by focusing on representative mega churches in South Korea, Brazil, Peru, Ghana, Nigeria, Australia, India, and the Philippines." (Publisher description)
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"Primarily and immediately these churches are not aimed at development or politics; they are not NGOs or elements of civil society promoting the rights of a particular group, so it would be a mistake to judge them exclusively on criteria appropriate to such bodies. They are religious bodies, with re
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ligion understood in a traditional African as opposed to a “disenchanted” Western way. However, as I have shown, that does not mean they have no public effects, even considerable effects in the realms of development and politics. Among the enormous variety of Africa’s Pentecostal churches, those that stress motivation, entrepreneurship and life-skills undoubtedly contribute to Africa’s development. There are many such on the continent. However, even many of these churches combine those elements with a stress on the faith gospel, the anointing of the special man of God, and an understanding of the world as pervaded by malignant spiritual forces. And most have these latter emphases predominant or at least not far below the surface. To the extent that these Pentecostal churches promote the faith gospel, the spiritual Big Man, and our subjection to malign spiritual forces, their roles are far less positive." (Conclusion, page 94)
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"Overall, 84% of Latin American adults report that they were raised Catholic, 15 percentage points more than currently identify as Catholic. The pattern is reversed among Protestants and people who do not identify with any religion: While the Catholic Church has lost adherents through religious swit
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ching, both Protestant churches and the religiously unaffiliated population in the region have gained members. Just one-in-ten Latin Americans (9%) were raised in Protestant churches, but nearly one-in-five (19%) now describe themselves as Protestants. And while only 4% of Latin Americans were raised without a religious affiliation, twice as many (8%) are unaffiliated today. Much of the movement away from Catholicism and toward Protestantism in Latin America has occurred in the span of a single lifetime. Indeed, in most of the countries surveyed, at least a third of current Protestants were raised in the Catholic Church, and half or more say they were baptized as Catholics. For example, nearly three-quarters of current Protestants in Colombia were raised Catholic, and 84% say they were baptized as Catholics. The survey asked former Catholics who have converted to Protestantism about the reasons they did so. Of the eight possible explanations offered on the survey, the most frequently cited was that they were seeking a more personal connection with God. Many former Catholics also said they became Protestants because they wanted a different style of worship or a church that helps its members more. Smaller percentages of converts to Protestantism also cite other factors – such as health or family problems (a regional median of 20%) or marriage to a non-Catholic (median of 9%) – as important reasons why they are no longer Catholic." (Overview, page 4-5)
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"For many years now, the sphere of the main Pentecostal denominations has gone way beyond their physical churches and members. To some extent, they operate like businesses, and they use the media to exert a strong influence on society. Some of them own national TV stations and publish high-circulati
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on newspapers. Their direct influence on politics has also increased steadily. Many members of the state parliaments and the National Congress also hold positions in the Pentecostal churches. The churches have not yet succeeded in getting one of their members directly elected to the highest political positions, but they have been able to use their close ties with certain politicians to exercise significant indirect political influence for the benefit of their own clientele. The Pentecostals are particularly powerful in the favelas, which receive little assistance from the Brazilian welfare state. In many areas that are ruled by the drug gangs, the only safe way of getting out of the drug trade is to join one of the Pentecostal churches, as this is deemed acceptable by the gangs. In contrast, other churches or religions are being squeezed out – sometimes violently. The image of the Pentecostal Church is therefore something of a two-edged sword. On the one hand, it is often stressed that it provides its members with a sense of stability and direction. The strict ban on alcohol and drugs, the feeling of belonging to a strong community, and the inclusion of certain rituals from the Afro-Brazilian animist religions that can turn spiritual experiences into a state of religious ecstasy – all these elements can help the Church’s followers to feel they have the power to break out of the vicious circle of poverty and despair. On the other hand, however, Church members have to pay a high monetary price for this; money that is not only reinvested in social projects but which also goes to line the pockets of the Church’s leaders, who are often not whiter-than-white, despite expecting this of their congregations. The most extreme example of this must surely be that of the founder of the Universal, Edir Macedo." (Conclusion)
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"The purpose of this book is primarily to provide a comprehensive reference and source of information for those who labour daily in the churches and organizations that make up the ecumenical movement. It is hoped that, beyond that circle, the book will also serve all who have a passion for, or an in
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terest in the movement. A Handbook of Churches and Councils – Profiles of Ecumenical Relationships replaces two earlier publications: the Handbook of WCC Member Churches, and the Directory of Christian Councils, both dating back to 1985." (Introduction)
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