"The Online Regulation Series Handbook provides an analysis of global online regulation, analysing over 60 legislations and regulatory proposals in 17 countries, and their implications for countering terrorist and violent extremist content. The Handbook is based on analysis published throughout Octo
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ber and November 2020 for the first edition of our Online Regulation Series. All country analyses have been updated to reflect recent regulatory changes. For each country, we provide a summary of the regulatory framework and the key takeaways for tech platforms, as well as Tech Against Terrorism’s commentary. The Handbook also includes Tech Against Terrorism’s key recommendations for governments and an analysis of International Human Rights Law as a possible framework for content regulation and governance. With this Handbook we aim to provide a comprehensive and accessible resource for tech platforms to improve their understanding of legislative developments and key trends in online regulation." (Publisher description)
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"Traditional notions of journalism focus exclusively on professionals, often embedded in media outlets and publishing houses. However, preceding decades have seen transformations in the understanding of journalism. This contribution sets out to explore the role of community media in working towards
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the recognition of participatory, not-for-profit journalism, more diverse discourses and enhanced participation, especially in relation to minorities. This research draws on policy documents at the European level, reports from European projects with community media involvement as well as on interviews with community media activists and journalists. As a result, we can show strategies of bringing peripheral actors to the centre by using community media based on access and participation, social inclusion, giving a voice and media literacy development. The study proposes a model of the role of community media in shifting peripheral actors to more central positions." (Abstract)
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"This briefing note is designed to give readers a basic understanding of the role of media regulatory and self-regulatory systems in promoting gender equality and inclusion. It highlights the main self- and regulatory systems that reflect or affect the role of media – from the perspective of gende
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r – and will offer a basic understanding to inspire the reader to take action and initiate change in the field. The final goal is to help inspire the introduction of a co-regulatory system wherein both regulation and self-regulation models combine to improve women’s human rights and gender equality in and through media, telecommunications, and digital platforms. The note is aimed at media practitioners who do not necessarily have a deep understanding of the field of gender in media development; it also aims to be of interest to and relevance for women’s rights organisations, other civil society organisations, and those who want to push for gender equality and inclusion in and through the media." (Publisher description)
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"In this article, I discuss that quality TV for the specific children audience can be described with some new quality indicators afforded by child neuroscience and child epigenetic development; there is a reappreciation of the ludic and emotional genetic abilities of child brain to enjoy and compreh
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end ludic narrative fiction. But also, from a systemic view of the TV communication process; quality on children’s TV depends not only on the program content but on the broadcast and on the reception. A review of children's TV channels, and a few dozen of the new programs broadcast, allows us to find several new criteria regarding the quality of children's TV and audio-visual content." (Abstract)
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"A thematic meta-analysis – of recent literature on online propaganda in the context of the Global South, and 20 Facebook-funded research projects in 2018 – shows that research is overwhelmingly focused on the psychological and behavioral impacts of propaganda. This research advocates for promot
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ing “media literacy” and helping citizens “inoculate” themselves against propaganda. This approach has limited use in tackling propaganda in the Global South. It not only oversimplifies “media literacy,” but also fails to examine, quite crucially, how the state, corporations, and media institutions interact – the political economy of propaganda. Further, scholars need to reflect on how entities such as Facebook fund such research to deflect scrutiny of their institutional role in propaganda-related violence in the Global South." (Essay summary)
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"Sustainable journalism addresses two intertwined challenges of our time: * The sustainability crisis of society, e.g. environmental crises, democratic crises, poverty, financial crises, armed conflicts, etc. Obviously, journalism has a crucial role to play here since it contributes greatly to the p
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ublic agenda, as well as people’s understanding – and hence the handling – of such challenges. * The sustainability crisis of journalism itself, which stems from lower advertising, decreasing subsidies for public service media, falling consumption, lack of trust in media among citizens, and fierce competition from online information brokers and advertising. The complex reality of today requires this kind of integrated journalistic approach in order to uphold the democratic function and not least the legitimacy of professional journalism. Consequently, journalism’s response to the sustainability challenges can be seen as a prerequisite for the future sustainability of journalism itself, ranging from high-quality, in-depth coverage to robust business models, but also extending into considerations of media systems and relations with governments and business interests. In this way, sustainable journalism attempts to counter the obvious risk that the efforts to maintain economic sustainability of the journalistic enterprise take place at the expense of professional journalism’s social/democratic mission – to hold power to account and to inform citizens, and to spur public engagement about current and future economic, social, and environmental challenges." (Executive summary)
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"Depois de dois dias de reflexões, espiritualidade, encontro e arte, dias 23 e 24 de julho, num encontro que reuniu mais de 5.000 comunicadores católicos de todo o Brasil, a 12ª segunda edição do Mutirão de Comunicação divulgou a Carta de Belo Horizonte, um documento que sintetiza os princip
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ais temas, questões e compromissos em torno de uma perspectiva de comunicação católica e cristã no país. A carta foi firmada pelas organizações que promoveram o Mutirão: Comunicação Episcopal Pastoral para a Comunicação da Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil (CNBB), a Pascom Brasil, a Signis Brasil e a Rede Católica de Rádio. O documento reforça que os processos comunicacionais ganham cada vez mais relevância na vida social, “alçados velozmente às telas dos diversos tipos de dispositivos e plataformas”. O texto fala também dos atos de violência física e simbólica como tentativa de opressão e apagamento das diversidades e minorias. Para superar os problemas enfrentados pelo Brasil, sobretudo os do âmbito da comunicação, a Carta de Belo Horizonte propõe um conceito de comunicação mais amplo, que passa pela “verdadeira disposição em abrir-se ao outro como condição essencial para um mundo mais fraterno." (https://www.cnbb.org.br, 26.7.2021)
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"This report outlines the relevance of gender norms to cybersecurity. It draws on existing research, supplemented by stakeholder and expert interviews, to assess gender-based differences in the social roles and interaction of women, men and non-binary people of all ages reflected in the distribution
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of power (e.g. influence over policy decisions and corporate governance), access to resources (e.g. equitable access to education, wages or privacy protections), and construction of gender norms and roles (e.g. assumptions regarding victims and perpetrators of cyber-facilitated violence)." (Executive summary)
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"This policy report provides an overview of the challenges and opportunities that the media are facing in Slovakia. Based on a number of interviews that took place with key Slovak media stakeholders, it finds that the Slovak media landscape is currently the freest of the Visegrad countries, despite
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an increase in both government and oligarch control of media. These findings are in line with its RSF Press Freedom Ranking of 33rd place in 2020, up two places on the previous year. The murder of investigative reporter, Ján Kuciak, in 2018 was a turning point which established sense of solidarity amongst the media profession which is coupled with an apparent desire amongst some of the public to investigative journalism, demonstrated through their financial support of a number of influential independent media titles. There are some concerns in relation to mainstream media ownership which appears to remain firmly in the grip of a select number of financial groups and oligarchs with strong business and economic interests although a recent sale of shares in leading publication the Denník SME to the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF), a non-for-profit investment fund for independent media raises some hope. The government also continues to control the public media through politicised appointment processes and public advertising spend. The popularity of websites, which are typified by health disinformation and anti-European Union narratives, is a further cause for concern as similar narratives are now being disseminated by some of the online media. The tradition for investigative journalism is strong in Slovakia, however, and it is having some impact on policy and tackling corruption." (Executive summary)
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"The most effective propaganda resonates with audiences’ underlying worldviews and personal experiences. In order to fight it, one has to understand the mindsets that it preys on. This paper sets out to do exactly that. We first track a set of Kremlin-aligned propaganda narratives across Ukrainian
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media, then measure their overall traction through a representative national survey conducted by the Center for Security Studies (CSS) at ETH Zurich, and finally use focus groups to understand their deeper appeal and impact. This gives us a uniquely holistic view of contemporary propaganda: from its sources, dissemination, and impact on society right through to how it is received and perceived from the point of view of audiences. The narratives in question include accusations that George Soros’ minions run Ukrainian politics, that the US is building secret bioweapons in Ukraine, and that shadowy “Western curators” secretly control the government. CSS survey data shows that approximately 40% of Ukrainians believe these narratives. They are in turn part of a larger message that sees Ukraine as perpetually under attack from nefarious Western forces. While individual narratives can change over time, this meta-narrative remains. Outright disinformation, conspiratorial thinking, and anti-Western messages combine in a toxic mix. The overall aim is to undermine refo rms, strengthen vested economic interests, alienate Ukraine from its Western partners, and push the country back into Russia’s orbit. While explicitly pro-Russian narratives have become a harder sell in Ukraine since the Kremlin opted to invade the country in 2014, these narratives don’t so much boost Russia as try to make the rest of the world look just as malign. They resonate outside of the usual “pro-Russian” bubble in Ukraine and spread among audiences that are often viscerally opposed to the Kremlin." (Exeuctive summary)
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"High-quality digital learning offers potential economic and social advantages but also could easily lead to a widening gap between economically advanced and low-income countries. Within countries without suitable policy, it could also generate increasing inequity between the rich, who can afford th
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e technology, and the poor, who will not be able to access it. The main purpose of this paper is to look at what policies are needed to maintain high-quality and equitable access to digital learning, especially in light of experience from responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper addresses technological, social and age factors influencing access to and uses of digital learning and makes several different policy recommendations for governments, institutions and teachers." (Abstract)
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"The Digital Ecosystem Framework is organized around three separate, overlapping pillars:
Digital Infrastructure and Adoption: the resources that make digital systems possible and how individuals and organizations access and use these resources;
Digital Society, Rights, and Governance: how digital t
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echnology intersects with government, civil society, and the media;
Digital Economy: the role digital technology plays in increasing economic opportunity and efficiency.
USAID’s Digital Ecosystem framework encompasses four cross-cutting topics:
Inclusion: reducing disparities in access and the “digital divide”;
Cybersecurity: protecting information against damage, unauthorized use or modification, or exploitation;
Emerging Technologies: encompassing artificial intelligence, Internet of Things, blockchain, 5G and other new technologies;
Geopolitical Positioning: the influence of authoritarian states that are actively working to shape the global digital space." (https://www.ictworks.org/usaid-digital-ecosystem-framework)
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"Children can be targets and objects of mis/disinformation, spreaders or creators of it, and opponents of mis/disinformation in actively seeking to counter falsehoods. There is insufficient data available to researchers and policymakers to get a clear and comprehensive picture of how susceptible chi
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ldren are to mis/disinformation and how it affects their development, well-being and rights. Approaches for ameliorating the harmful effects of mis/disinformation on children are emerging, but current efforts are falling short of protecting and empowering children. Children’s rights – such as to freedom of expression and access to information – can be infringed by over-zealous attempts, including regulations, to restrict access to online content and communities. The mis/disinformation ecosystem can only be adequately addressed through a multi-pronged approach by a range of stakeholders that cooperate globally to protect children from the harms that stem from mis/disinformation." (Synopsis, page 4-5)
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"La Asociación por los Derechos Civiles (ADC) tiene la misión de defender los derechos fundamentales mediante la contribución al diseño de políticas por parte del sector público y privado. Las respuestas de los gobiernos deben promover un espacio público amplio y robusto en internet. Este deb
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er implica asegurar la libertad de expresión de los usuarios, garantizar condiciones favorables para la creación de grupos online (libertad de asociación) y permitir el ejercicio del derecho de protesta en plataformas (libertad de reunión). Al mismo tiempo, las empresas privadas también tienen la obligación de contribuir a dicha finalidad. Las grandes plataformas poseen un amplio poder para determinar las condiciones en que el discurso puede circular a través de internet. La influencia de estas entidades es incluso mayor que la de muchos países y, por lo tanto, su accionar puede impedir seriamente la circulación de ideas y opiniones. De este modo, el sector privado también se encuentra sujeto al deber de respetar los derechos humanos. La crisis sanitaria producida por el Covid-19 y la intensificación de la polarización política alrededor del mundo -con la situación de Estados Unidos como ejemplo central- ha atraído la atención de la ciudadanía acerca del rol de los Estados y las plataformas para abordar fenómenos como la desinformación y el discurso de odio. Las acciones adoptadas por gobiernos y compañías deben ser sometidas a la más estricta evaluación, ya que ellas influenciarán la forma en que el debate público se llevará a cabo en el futuro." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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"Since the 1 February coup d’état in Myanmar, the online space has become a parallel battlefield on which the country’s military and its opponents try to rally supporters, share information and control the narrative around events unfolding in the country. This virtual struggle has been vitally
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important to both sides. The scale of popular anger at the military, the regime’s lack of technological capacity and the policies of social media companies have made it difficult for the military, known as the Tatmadaw, to gain the upper hand. At first, the junta resorted to temporary internet cuts and filtering websites, but when these had little impact, it moved to broader shutdowns, leaving the vast majority of people in Myanmar disconnected. It appears to have no viable long-term strategy for controlling online space, and prolonged internet outages are likely while it struggles to consolidate power. Foreign governments and technology companies should endeavour to keep what is left of Myanmar’s internet as open and its users as safe as possible, while restricting sales of equipment and software that the military could use to oppress opponents." (Executive summary)
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"This report is the culmination of an in-depth investigation aimed at better defining the causes and challenges of information disorder, and offering a viable framework for action [...] The Aspen Institute’s Commission on Information Disorder invited voices from across our society to help build up
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on our understanding of the issues and our approach to recommendations. This included numerous examples of research, original ideas, draft legislation, and critical analysis from academics, policymakers, and activists—all leveraging deep, real-world experience while striving to meet the scale of the challenge. Each recommendation that follows represents a discrete, actionable idea. Though not all of the recommendations are mutually dependent, they should be considered together—they reinforce and build off one another. For instance, recommendations calling for access and disclosure support those that impose greater accountability for bad actors and, conversely, create a check on overreach. Our recommendations cover multiple areas: technology, society, government, and media. It is also important to note that, with imperfect information, we make imperfect decisions. Due to the opacity of tech and media platforms—how they operate and how they optimize their products—we do not have sufficient understanding of all the coordinated levers that could reduce societal harms while still allowing for innovation, and both individual and community benefit." (Letter from the co-chairs, page 2)
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"This report provides an overview of how digital technologies are being used to support youth’s transition from school to work, ‘learning to earning’, in displaced and host communities. Based on a rapid analysis of emerging approaches and lessons in this burgeoning space, the report’s purpos
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e is to inspire concerted attention and action to ensure effectiveness and scale of such digital enablers. The focus of the report is on youth in forcibly displaced and host communities, though many of the solutions presented serve youth in vulnerable contexts more widely, with applicability to forcibly displaced persons (FDPs) and migrant populations more broadly. Many insights are also relevant to youth programming more generally, though efforts have been made to draw out the specific considerations for forcibly displaced youth. The report intentionally takes a global view, though the majority of solutions presented are implemented in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) regions, which coincides with the focus of the PROSPECTS Partnership. The experiences of forcibly displaced youth vary widely, across and within national boundaries. The solution landscape is also complex, involving different national and international agencies working at national and local levels. Even within countries, school-to-work transition differs according to whether forcibly displaced youth reside in camps or in resettled urban settings, and whether youth are still ‘in transit’. This report does not aim to cover these considerations in detail, though context specificities are of major relevance to solution design." (About this report, page 4)
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"This Primer is intended to increase awareness and provide a basic understanding of cyber threats, cybersecurity, and cyber resilience as they relate to development programming for USAID staff. It does not provide specific cybersecurity programming or operational recommendations or address technical
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cybersecurity needs of USAID or its implementing partners. This Primer is a resource on cybersecurity for the broader development community and spotlights how USAID’s approach to cybersecurity in development is evolving." (Page 7)
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"This report aims to bridge two communities – the broader development community and the cybersecurity capacity building community – to achieve more resilient outcomes by ensuring incorporation of cybersecurity and digital resilience into digital development activities. This report is a product o
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f the partnership between the World Bank and the Global Forum on Cyber Expertise (GFCE) Foundation, who recognize the importance of including cybersecurity, digital resilience, and cyber capacity building (CCB) as components of development projects. They also understand that advocates are needed to promote the eligibility of these activities for assistance in the broader development agenda." (Aim and objectives, page 11)
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