"1. There is no clear or consistent definition of fake news; 2. Fake news is not a new phenomenon, nor is it limited to social media; 3. There is a dearth of evidence about the scale, dissemination or effects of fake news; 4. Fake news is a symptom of much broader structural problems with our digita
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l information environment; 5. Remedies solely or heavily based on technological fixes or market-driven corrections will not, on their own, address these problems; 6. Any hasty attempt by government to introduce measures to address fake news will have unintended consequences – some of which are likely to be damaging to free speech and democratic discourse; 7. The government could seek to better understand the conditions that enable fake news, consider progressive interventions to promote and sustain public interest news and information, call for greater and more transparent self-governance by tech platforms, and inquire into the use of digital platforms for political campaigning." (Summary)
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"Journalists’ unions are key media supporting organisations and this report covers the pivotal role they play in countries of the Southern Mediterranean region. This report aspires to be a light reading, not only for union activists and media professionals, but also for journalists and citizens, a
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s it covers issues of public interest in relation to media, in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria." (www.med-media.eu)
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"This chapter discusses the role of media in the Republic of Kazakhstan in combating corruption. First, it provides an assessment of the recently passed access to information legislation in the country as it relates to media's access to government information. Second, it analyses the extent to which
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freedom of press is guaranteed and protected, before looking at the level of professionalism and ethics in the media sector. Lastly, this chapter analyses the plurality of Kazakhstan's media sector." (Page 275)
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"The report, based on answers from 247 respondents, summarises the ‘good news’, that journalists do implement changes in their behaviour when they have attended safety trainings, and the gaps and challenges, including the fact that few journalists keep their training up to date in spite of indus
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try recommendations for refresher courses every 3 years. Recommendations include more sexual violence and harassment training; that safety trainers should be knowledgeable about gender and cultural issues; that psychological trauma needs to be addressed in training; and that more digital security training is needed." (www.gfmd.info)
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"This publication takes a look at current developments in the field of audience research in media development and presents three case studies testing innovative methods that can be of use for research, monitoring, and evaluation. They are meant as an orientation and inspirational source for future p
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rojects in this domain. Based on the information assembled in this study we make the case that media development needs audience research to improve its projects. Media development actors need to know more about the impact on their final beneficiaries if they want their work to be truly successful. However, it does not always make sense for media development actors to conduct or commission expensive and broadly representative research. Budgets and project sizes are limited, and often the results of market or academic research efforts are only of very general use to a particular media development project in question. Therefore ways have to be found to conduct focused audience research in media development – in order to gain specific and relevant knowledge directly related to the interventions. The three case studies we present in this publication are directly related to ongoing media development projects. They apply tailor-made approaches to a particular setting. On top of this, we have assembled more general knowledge from the literature and past studies in audience research that are of relevance here." (Executive summary)
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"This report provides a new framework for policy-makers, legislators, researchers, technologists and practitioners working on the theoretical and practical challenges related to mis-, dis- and mal-information — the three elements of information disorder. While the historical impact of rumours and
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fabricated content have been well documented, the complexity and scale of information pollution in our digitally-connected, increasingly polarised world presents an unprecedented challenge. There is an immediate need to work collaboratively on workable solutions and this report provides a framework for the different stakeholders involved in research, policy discussions, and technical innovations connected to this phenomenon of information disorder." (Back cover)
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"The Vietnamese government has long arrested and prosecuted domestic human rights activists, using rights-violating laws and Communist Party-controlled courts and police. But the recent explosion of internet-driven activism in the country has coincided with the appearance of another frightening inst
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rument of political repression: physical assaults on rights activists carried out by violent plainclothes thugs who appear to be acting with the knowledge or permission of the authorities. Beatings take place in streets, cafés, and even inside police stations. Assailants sometimes attack victims in front of uniformed police who do nothing to intervene. In many cases, assailants wear surgical masks to hide their identities. Some activists have been abducted, taken away in cars or vans, beaten, and then abandoned in deserted areas. In almost no cases covered in this report have perpetrators been held accountable for their actions. No Country for Human Rights Activists documents the proliferation of this brutal instrument of state repression in recent years. Through a close examination of 36 cases, the report demonstrates the commonplace nature of these attacks and provides evidence linking some of the perpetrators to state security services." (Back cover)
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"This report has focused on predicting what basic education, the use of ICTs, and the ways that these technologies will contribute to education will look like by 2025, with a particular emphasis on the implication for those living in the most deprived locations. Three broad conclusions are appropria
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te. First, there is immense diversity, not only in education delivery but also in access to, and use of, ICTs. This will remain the case in 2025, and the resultant inequalities might well be very much worse than they are today. If current trends continue, then the use of technologies by the rich will be markedly different from the use of ICTs by the poor. The most deprived will continue not to have access to ICTs, will continue not to benefit from them, and will become relatively more disadvantaged. However, millions of slightly better off poor people will indeed be able to benefit from the potential that existing ICTs will be able to deliver over the next decade, especially in terms of access to educational content that may enable them to live more fulfilled lives. Second, for education systems to be improved, especially for the poorest and most marginalised children, there must be a fundamental rethinking of the vision for education in almost every country of the world. Educational change is slow, but some of those consulted for this report were optimistic, and thought that the pressure for change will soon become so high that governments will have to respond by instigating fundamental reforms. These, though, will be very expensive, and it still remains unclear how they will be funded and implemented. While the ICT sector is still likely to experience much rapid innovation, it is much more probable that the education sector will only evolve slowly. It is therefore also important that these technologies are used to enhance opportunities for learning everywhere, even where the education systems are slow to evolve. Third, there have indeed been many exciting and innovative uses of technology within education over the last two decades, and some of these are already being applied in contexts of both physical and socio-cultural deprivation. However, all too often those implementing ICTs initiatives in the education sector focus primarily on the technologies, rather than the education. If technology is indeed to be used to support learning, both in school and out of it, there needs to be a complete reversal of much current practice. The focus must be first on the education, and only then on the various technologies that can help deliver it." (Conclusions, page 20)
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"Menschenfeindliche und rassistische Äußerungen (Hate Speech) gegenüber religiösen und ethnischen Gruppen im Internet haben sich weltweit massiv ausgebreitet. Das Internet ist weniger ein Ort der multikulturellen Begegnung als des aggressiven Kulturkampfes mit weitreichenden Folgen für gesellsc
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haftliches Handeln von der Diskriminierung bis zur fremdenfeindlichen Gewalt. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschäftigt sich in konzentrierter Form mit unterschiedlichen politikwissenschaftlichen, soziologischen und kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Erklärungsversuchen für die Ursachen der Hasskommunikation. Abgerundet wird der Beitrag durch eine Reflexion über ethische und co-regulative Maßnahmen in einer wehrhaften liberalen Demokratie." (Abstract)
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"There are currently 280 community broadcasting services (275 community sound and 5 community television services). According to AC Nielsen and All Media and Products Survey (AMPS) data, community broadcasting services collectively take up an audience share of 6.3 million people in South Africa. How
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ever, this has not necessarily translated into advertising revenue, for example Community TV has a 9.5% reach but only yield an advertising spend less than 1%. Likewise, Community radio reaches 25%2 of the population but only receives 2% of the advertising spend. At face value this can be attributed to the profile of the community sector’s audience, that is, this sector does not deliver audiences that are attractive enough to advertisers to derive revenue that is comparable to commercial and public broadcasting services. However, factors contributing to the success of the community broadcasting sector are more complex. The study highlights the fact that the community broadcasting sector’s challenges emanate from a lack of corporate governance, management capacity and revenue diversification strategies. There is also a limited concerted institutional support, capacity building and funding strategies for community broadcasting in South Africa. Currently the Authority ‘s regulation of corporate governance, financial accountability and community participation is limited. Given the time and resources expended on addressing compliance challenges associated with this sector, it may be necessary for the Authority to consider Regulations or guidelines to address these shortcomings." (Executive summary)
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"Effective development cooperation that is sensitive to conflict contexts has to integrate media and communication into their overall strategy by taking into account the communicative needs of societies faced with democratization conflicts. In view of this policy problem, empirical evidence gathered
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by the MeCoDEM project in four transitional countries (Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa) helps to understand the communication dynamics between journalists, activist and political actors. This policy brief presents some key findings from the project with the aim of informing future policy development." (Introduction)
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"Since 2012, Russian authorities have intensified a crackdown on free expression, treating criticisms of the government as threats to state security and public stability and curbing privacy online. The government has introduced significant restrictions to online expression and invasive surveillance
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of online activity. Based on more than 50 interviews with lawyers, journalists, editors, political and human rights activists, bloggers and their family members, Online and on All Fronts: Russia’s Assault on Freedom of Expression documents this process. The report describes how the unjustifiable criminal prosecutions of dozens of people for social media posts, online videos, media articles and interviews, conflating criticism of the government with extremism are making Russians increasingly unsure about what kinds of speech are permissible and what could land them a large fine or a prison term. Following the 2011-2012 mass protests around Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency and through summer 2017, Russia adopted new laws aimed at expanding government control over internet infrastructure and content. The authorities have also invoked numerous other laws that limit or can be used to interfere with free speech. This report analyzes these laws and assesses their impact on freedom of expression and information in Russia." (Back cover)
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"Das deutsche Rechtssystem basiert grundsätzlich auf individuellem Rechtsschutz. Nur die bzw. der Einzelne kann also eigene Rechte einklagen. Doch gerade wenn es um strukturelle Rechtsverletzungen geht, wie es zum Beispiel bei digitaler Gewalt meist der Fall ist, wäre eine kollektive Rechtsmobilis
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ierung hilfreich. Betroffene müssten dann nicht allein klagen, sondern können sich zusammenschließen oder mit Unterstützung eines Beistands klagen, oder ein Verband könnte an ihrer Stelle den Rechtsstreit führen. Im Folgenden werden Möglichkeiten kollektiver Rechtsmobilisierung dargestellt. Dafür werden zentrale Begriffe wie Streitgenossenschaft, Prozessstandschaft, Sammel- und Musterklage sowie Verbandsklage kurz erläutert. Eines der wesentlichen Probleme kollektiver Rechtsmobilisierung gegen digitale Gewalt ist, dass es an einschlägigem Recht fehlt, welches überhaupt – individuell oder kollektiv – mobilisiert werden könnte. Daher wird nach einer knappen Einführung in die Problematik zunächst das mobilisierbare (einklagbare) Recht gegen digitale Gewalt bzw. dessen Fehlen dargestellt, bevor auf prozessuale Fragen eingegangen werden kann." (Einleitung)
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"This study opens by diving into what blockchain is and why it is a new tech tool for development. Thereafter, we explore four ways in which blockchain can be applied to hack the future of development aid and accelerate the Sustainable Development Goals. Hack #1: Innovate (aid) money with cryptocurr
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ency. Hack #2: Turn rights into code on the blockchain. Hack #3: Program aid money and agreements. Hack #4: Disrupt the aid model." (Page 3)
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"This chapter has focussed attention on recognising the specifc category of diaspora journalism as one of the key dimensions of diaspora formations and their ability to intervene in international politics in general and in conficts relating to their countries of origin in particular. We contend that
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diaspora journalism should be understood both as the more formal forms of news activities that replicate the structure, practices and professional ethos of mainstream journalism as well as the less formalised but no less potent journalistic practices of individual or collective diasporans across the world." (Conclusion, page 33)
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"With Obfuscation, Finn Brunton and Helen Nissenbaum mean to start a revolution. They are calling us not to the barricades but to our computers, offering us ways to fight today's pervasive digital surveillance. To the toolkit of privacy protecting techniques and projects, they propose adding obfusca
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tion: the deliberate use of ambiguous, confusing, or misleading information to interfere with surveillance and data collection projects. Brunton and Nissenbaum provide tools and a rationale for evasion, noncompliance, refusal, even sabotage - especially for average users, those of us not in a position to opt out or exert control over data about ourselves." (Back cover)
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"This policy briefing examines the prospects for media being able to play that role, especially in fragile states. It concludes that the evidence supporting the effectiveness of media as an accountability actor continues to mount even when the performance of other anti-corruption measures are called
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into question. It looks at the increasing pressures facing independent media in fragile states, especially those of political co-option and a reduction in media freedom. It suggests that these pressures are intensifying precisely because media is so effective at holding power to account and exposing corruption. It argues that independent media need more attention from international development actors not only financially but also through their strategic focus and influence they can bring to bear to supporting media freedom. Without it, such media are likely to struggle to survive and corruption can be expected to increase." (BBC Media Action website)
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"El presente artículo aborda la construcción del Índice de Rentabilidad Social en Comunicación (IRSCOM), que pretende recoger valores ligados al funcionamiento de los medios audiovisuales, eludiendo la visión mercantilista, potenciando la participación ciudadana y la transparencia en su gesti
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n. Este indicador es una propuesta que persigue corregir las deficiencias en la rentabilidad social de los medios para consolidar modelos mediáticos que respondan a lógicas centradas en la construcción democrática, la fortaleza de la pluralidad y la diversidad." (Resumen)
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