"If the dominant media stereotype portrays perpetrators as monsters, as ‘Prime Evil’, then the dominant academic image is the opposite. It paints them as ordinary people (gender ignored, but assumed as male) diligently under sway of modern bureaucratic compartmentalisation (the banality of evil
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thesis), or as obedient to authority and conforming to social pressures (the situationist thesis). No monsters here, just ordinary people under rather extraordinary circumstances. The moral message: we co uld all potentially become perpetrators, depending on the situation. There is a competing view: the perpetrator as a willing, even eager, executioner driven by strong negative emotions against the ‘other’. The scholarly world presents us with antagonistic perspectives. What picture do we get from narrative approaches, from stories told by those actually responsible for politically-related violence? First, there are only a few narrative studies. Second, they also paint competing pictures. On the one hand, is a picture of the perpetrator as a victim – of organisational routines, hierarchies, pressures and secrecy, and of dominant ideologies, as well as brutal initiation rites which instil the practice of obedience to authority. These narrative studies support the situationist and ordinary person line of explanation. They also correct the erstwhile neglect of gender issues by placing emphasis on masculinity as an important ingredient. On the other hand, the South African storytelling studies by Marks (2001), Straker (1992) and Campbell (1992) throw up a different picture. While victims in one sense – of Bantu education, poverty and violence at the hands of both state security agents and older vigilante groups – they are also action-oriented moral crusaders in defence of their communities and in politically-minded offensive against the apartheid state and its allies. Once again, we have contrasting and competing pictures of those responsible for political violence. In these particular storytelling perspectives, differences are partly due to the different positions of protagonists across the dividing line of power: state security personnel on the one hand and resistance activists on the other. Apart from the conflicting images from varying epistemological perspectives and different theoretical angles, the very label or category of a ‘perpetrator’ is more muddied, contested and problematic than a first glance would suggest. We described seven grey areas which challenge or disrupt the dominant binaries of victim-perpetrator and the triangular view of dramatis personae: perpetrator – ‘victim’ – bystander/observer. Moreover, in Chapter 4, we raise a number of moral quandaries or dilemmas in the study of those responsible for violence, which again dislodge the simple and tidy categories. Therefore a central component of the present study aims to problematise and disrupt the complacency of the very label and category of ‘perpetrator’. What should be done? In the face of these competing images and explanations we carve out a ‘third space’ beyond, or perhaps better, between the theoretical antagonisms of situationism versus agency (willing killers); among the grey areas between category labels of victim/perpetrator/bystander. Rather than this being seen as an alternative position, it should be read as an attempt at synthesis. Instead of the oppositional pairing of ‘either-or’, it should be seen in terms of the inclusive pairing ‘both-and’ (Foster, 1999).We argue that those responsible for violence should be regarded as potentially both victim and perpetrator, as well as both subject to circumstances/influences and active initiators." (Conclusion, page 321-322)
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"¿Es la (in)seguridad ciudadana un invento mediático o una realidad? La respuesta está en este estudio del contenido de los diarios latinoamericanos sobre el tema de seguridad ciudadana desde una perspectiva cotidiana del delito. ¿Qué hace la noticia del delito? ¿Cuáles son los temas? ¿Cómo
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es el tratamiento? ¿Quiénes actúan la inseguridad? Una investigación realizada en 14 periódicos: Chile: El Mercurio; Argentina: El ClarÃn y La Nación; Brasil: La Folha de Sao Paulo; Colombia: El Tiempo y El Colombiano; Venezuela: El Nacional; México: El Universal; Perú: EL Comercio; Costa Rica: La Nación y La Prensa Libre; El Salvador: El diario de Hoy, El mundo y La prensa gráfica. 795 piezas periodÃsticas. PerÃodo analizado: Nov. 20 a Dic. 6, 2004." (Página 1)
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"Die Delikte, die unter den Begriff der "Kriminalität der Mächtigen zusammenzufassen sind, sind vielfältig: Menschenrechtsverletzungen, Bestechung, Steuerdelikte, und auf internationaler Ebene Spionage, Übertretungen internationaler Abkommen, Terrorakte etc. Diese Untersuchung erforscht mit Hilf
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e einer Inhalts- bzw. Aussageanalyse am Beispiel einiger ausgewählter, besonders wichtig gewordener Fälle von "Kriminalität der Mächtigen" in Korea, wie drei Tageszeitungen, die sich in bezug auf ihre Einordnung in das politische Spektrum und in bezug auf ihr Selbstverständnis deutlich voneinander unterscheiden, ihre Berichterstattung darüber gestalten und welches Bild von Tätern und Taten der Kriminalität der Mächtigen sie zeichnen, deuten und bewerten." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The survey analyses the reporting on violence in Slovene print and television programmes. The results have shown that POP TV programming contains a significantly greater share of violent content and content depicting accidents than the programming of SLO 1, reflecting an obvious difference in the e
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ditorial policies. Slovenske novice, the highest selling Slovene daily, shows a 19 per cent share of violence in its content. Disregarding the supplements, the content of which is virtually always neutral or non-violent, violence makes for 29 per cent of the entire content of Slovenske novice. The front pages of Slovenske novice show an astonishing 66,7 per cent share of violent content. Comparatively, Dnevnik contains 8,6 per cent of violent content, while Delo contains 3,1 per cent. Even though the survey has shown an overwhelming amount of violence in the Slovene media, the author feels it inappropriate to resort to censorship, seeing that in a world, interwoven with electronic systems and networks, it is impossible to dam the flow of information." (Summary, page 79
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"From outbreaks of the flesh eating viruses Ebola and Strep A, to death camps in Bosnia and massacres in Rwanda, the media seem to careen from one trauma to another, in a breathless tour of poverty, disease and death. First we're horrified, but each time they turn up the pitch, show us one image mor
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e hideous than the next, it gets harder and harder to feel. Meet compassion fatigue--a modern syndrome, Susan Moeller argues, that results from formulaic media coverage, sensationalized language and overly Americanized metaphors. In her impassioned new book, Compassion Fatigue, Moeller warns that the American media threatens our ability to understand the world around us. Why do the media cover the world in the way that they do? Are they simply following the marketplace demand for tabloid-style international news? Or are they creating an audience that as seen too much--or too little--to care? Through a series of case studies of the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse--disease, famine, death and war--Moeller investigates how newspapers, newsmagazines and television have covered international crises over the last two decades, identifying the ruts into which the media have fallen and revealing why. Throughout, we hear from industry insiders who tell of the chilling effect of the mega- media mergers, the tyranny of the bottom-line hunt for profits, and the decline of the American attention span as they struggle to both tell and sell a story. But Moeller is insistent that the media need not, and should not, be run like any other business. The media have a special responsibility to the public, and when they abdicate this responsibility and the public lapses into a compassion fatigue stupor, we become a public at great danger to ourselves." (Publisher description)
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"O tema do livro é o tratamento da violência urbana na indústria da cultura. Analisa o programa policial radiofónico Gil Gomes transmitido na Rádio Record (São Paulo) entre 1977 e 1987. Além dos textos transmitidos, foram analisadas quase 3000 cartas de ouvintes, que permitem extrair conclusÃ
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µes sobre a recepção e a influência da mÃdia sobre o comportamento e os valores, especialmente nas classes mais pobres." (commbox)
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"Scholarly articles and books on violence and terror in the mass media comprise the bulk of this bibliography. The 784 entries are numbered, divided into sections on mass media content, mass media effects, pornography, and terrorism, then arranged alphabetically by author. Content and effects chapte
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rs are by far the largest, spanning 673 entries and 184 pages. Annotations are descriptive. The introduction lists several other useful bibliographic studies of terrorism and violence, including Richard L. Moreland and Michael L. Berbaum's "Terrorism and the Mass Media: A Researcher's Bibliographyˆ in Abraham H. Miller's (ed. ) Terrorism: The Media and the Law (Transnational, 1982) and Violence and the Media: A Bibliography (Toronto: The Royal Commission, 1977). This publication started as a UNESCO project in 1984 and includes, according to the compilers, most relevant publications through early 1987. Most works included were published in the United States, although "an effort was made to obtain and include studies from all countries where relevant research has been conducted. Communications research in general and media violence studies in particular have had the widest reach in the United States." (Jo A. Cates: Journalism - a guide to the reference literature. Englewood, Col.: Libraries Unlimited, 2nd ed. 1997 nr. 108)
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"Radio wird hauptsächlich von Hausfrauen gehört. Die Haupteinschaltzeit liegt zwischen sieben und elf Uhr, wenn die meisten mit häuslichen Arbeiten beschäftigt sind. Und gerade in dieser Zeitspanne von vier Stunden erleben die Radios die Invasion einer neuen Welle: die Polizeiberichte. Es gibt d
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iese Sendungen in ganz Brasilien, mit wechselnden Namen und Aufmachungen, aber mit einem gemeinsamen Kennzeichen: Sie führen auf eine sensationalistische und erschreckende Weise die schlimmsten Verbrechen des Tages vor, und zwar so, daß klar wird: So etwas kann jedem geschehen. Wenngleich es in Rio de Janeiro ebenfalls Verbrechensberichte in Sendungen für ein großes Publikum — wie dem vom Cidinha Campos im „Super Rádio Tupi" — gibt, so haben die Chronisten des Schreckens ihre Hochburg doch in São Paulo. Dem paulistaner Publikum wird aufgewartet mit spezialisierten Reportern, die sich in Stars verwandeln und astronomische Gehälter einstreichen, wie die Großen von Fußball und Fernsehen. Eine Rundfunkanstalt läßt sich einen Gil Gomes oder einen Afanásio Jazadji um die zwanzig Millionen Cruzeiros pro Monat (etwa 45.000 DM) kosten. Diese beiden sind die großen Stars, und zusammen erreichen sie jeden Morgen allein in São Paulo zwei Millionen Hörer." (Seite 36-37)
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