"The growth of Russia’s presence across Africa over the last decade has generated significant international concern, further exacerbated after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s engagement can affect the interests and policies of the European Union (EU) and its member states (MS) in Africa
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. How should European policymakers understand these developments and respond to them? To answer this question, this report looks at Russia’s engagement in Africa, reaching three main conclusions.
First, Moscow’s engagement with Africa has so far remained limited as compared to that of other global players, particularly in the economic domain. The current level of (media) attention devoted to Russia’s role in Africa is thus not supported by sufficient evidence of its actual engagement in the continent. At the same time, however, the growth of Russia’s presence is a real trend.
Second, Russian actors are guided by a rather loose strategy when it comes to Africa. The Russian state has some interests that act as a broad framework. However, the actual engagement is carried out not only by state actors, but also by state-backed conglomerates and politically connected private businesses. These latter actors have their own specific interests, which are not always fully aligned with those of the Russian state. While state actors are often driven by geopolitical considerations, Russian companies are more interested in economic opportunities.
Third, Russia’s engagement in African countries is significantly shaped by the different national contexts and by the interests of African governments. For instance, in a strong state like Ethiopia, Russia’s engagement takes place exclusively at the governmental level. By contrast, in Sudan and Mali (contexts with weaker state structures), other Russian actors like private military companies (PMCs) and private businesses are involved. Yet, in all three cases, Moscow’s presence tends to grow when relations between African governments and their international partners (especially in the West) deteriorate, often in the wake of authoritarian turns. This shows the opportunistic nature of Russia’s engagement, as well as the complex trade-offs faced by EU/MS governments when engaging with African governments." (Executive summary)
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"China is making a sustained effort to become a ‘cyber superpower’. An integral part of this effort is the propagation by Beijing of the notion of ‘internet sovereignty’ – China’s supreme right to govern the internet within its borders and keep it under rigid control. Chinese companies w
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ork closely with Chinese state authorities to export technology to Africa in order to extend China’s influence and promote its cyberspace governance model. This contribution argues that the rapid expansion across Africa of Chinese technology companies and their products warrants vigilance. If African governments fail to advance their own values and interests – including freedom of expression, free enterprise and the rule of law – with equal boldness, the ‘China model’ of digital governance by default might very well become the ‘Africa model’." (Abstract)
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"Why has the US so dramatically failed in Afghanistan since 2001? Dominant explanations have ignored the bureaucratic divisions and personality conflicts inside the US state. This book rectifies this weakness in commentary on Afghanistan by exploring the significant role of these divisions in the US
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’s difficulties in the country that meant the battle was virtually lost before it even began. The main objective of the book is to deepen readers’ understanding of the impact of bureaucratic politics on nation-building in Afghanistan, focusing primarily on the Bush administration. It rejects the ‘rational actor’ model, according to which the US functions as a coherent, monolithic agent. Instead, internal divisions within the foreign policy bureaucracy are explored, to build up a picture of the internal tensions and contradictions that bedevilled US nation-building efforts. The book also contributes to the vexed issue of whether or not the US should engage in nation-building at all, and if so under what conditions." (Publisher description)
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"Qatar remains a vulnerable micro-state wedged between its large neighbours, Saudi Arabia and Iran. In the long-term this cannot be gilded by its smart advertising strategy. Long-term success can only be achieved with a labour market that is not dependent on gas revenues and a qualified local workfo
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rce that will remain in the country even in the event of a crisis." (Publisher description)
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"Literature about China’s role in Africa suggests that China’s presence on the continent is often viewed in stark binary terms, as either an exploitative, predatory force or a benevolent, development partner. An analysis of attitudes in the South African media over the last three years (if De Be
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er & Schreiner’s 2009 study is included), suggest that overall a more balanced view of China is emerging. Individual reports may still take an either/or stance, but when considered on the whole and across a range of media platforms, China is not represented in either a starkly positive or starkly negative light. It would seem that a cautiously optimistic attitude characterizes South African media coverage. The overall balance between positive, negative and neutral statements may suggest an understanding that China’s role in Africa is a complex one, which cannot be pigeonholed as either a ‘bad’ or ‘good’ news story. South Africa’s association with China as a partner country in the BRICS formation might in future continue to shape positive coverage. The large component ‘neutral’ statements may also reflect the strong influence of the normative values of ‘objectivity’ and ‘balance’ on South African professional journalism practice." (Conclusion, page 16-17)
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"This book examines US foreign policy toward the so-called 'rogue states' and the products of the Hollywood film industry in relation to these states, which promises to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the 'soft power' that is popular culture." (Publisher description)
"In der Debatte um die politische Wirkung von Medien wird häufig übersehen, dass internationale Akteure schon längst auf ausländische Kommunikationsräume Einfluss nehmen. Thema dieser Arbeit ist das Instrument der externen Medienhilfe, bei der mit finanzieller, materieller und beratender Unters
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tützung, aber auch durch verhindernde Maßnahmen ganze Mediensysteme beeinflusst werden. Die Fragestellung betrifft die handlungsleitenden Motive, die jeweiligen Ziele der Akteure und ihre Konzepte und Implementierungsstrategien, die theoretisch und praktisch am Beispiel wichtigsten Medienhilfe-Implementierer in den Nachkriegsregionen Bosnien-Herzegowina und Kosovo von 1995 bis 2006 nachgezeichnet werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"A meticulous and well-organized source, this international bibliography has withstood the ravages of time. It now serves as a useful historical guide to international news from the early 1900s to the beginning of World War II. Documents, books, pamphlets, magazines articles, and studies are include
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d in sections labeled either "International News" or "Foreign Press," and then arranged in chapters such as "Washington Correspondence," "Foreign Correspondence," "Censorship," "Press Law," "News Gathering Organizations," and "Press and Public Opinion." Descriptively annotated entries are listed alphabetically by author. Foreign press entries are arranged geographically by continent, then country. There is only an author index; fortunately the table of contents is detailed." (Jo A. Cates: Journalism - a guide to the reference literature. Englewood, Col.: Libraries Unlimited, 2nd ed. 1997 nr. 82)
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