"[...] It is clear that the importance of the media in sustenance and development of democracy is well recognised by stakeholders in Africa. This is evidenced by the existence of liberal media laws and regulation in democratic African countries. This then forces the conclusion that there is delibera
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te manipulation or disregard of the media laws so as to fit in with the needs of the few elites. Mostly those in position of power, as the case of Malawi has demonstrated. For instance, there seems to be a general consensus in the reviewed articles that the media in Malawi is largely owned and controlled by a group of elite politicians, through direct ownership and through regulation and censorship. Where they do not have direct access they resort to intimidation or harassment, this can be physical, mental and economical. Again, the literature has substantial evidence of such cases; we have seen how government in Malawi decides media houses that are to be given advertising revenue, a lifeblood of any media organisation; this works like a reward for those who are not, to become 'royal', so as to reap the rewards, as their colleagues." (Summary, page 27-28)
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"It is generally said that an independent press is vital for any democracy. However, the case in many African countries is that the independent or private press is weak and lacks credibility, although its assumed role as a cornerstone of young democracies is repeatedly stressed by commentators and p
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olicy-makers. This research investigates the role of the private press in Ethiopia since 1991, when democracy came to the country. Through interviews with 15 key actors in the media and political sector, it reflects on the role of the private media vis-à-vis Francis Kasoma’s theories of the independent press in Africa. From the Ethiopian perspective, the research takes on a slightly more pessimistic view of the role of the private newspapers in building democracy than what Kasoma concluded in light of his comparative research of media in Sub-Saharan countries in general. Findings indicate that the Ethiopian private press has had a pragmatic relationship with recognized professional and ethical standards; the private press has largely failed to represent and inform the citizens; and it has been generally politicized. However, the existence of the private press has also served as a caution for the government, although the press has had more of a symbolic role than being a real cornerstone of democracy." (Abstract)
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"This report provides an assessment of U.S. international media development efforts, both public and private, and calls on future efforts to be more long-term, comprehensive, and need-driven. Recommending a more holistic assistance approach, the report looks at the international media development fi
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eld from a number of perspectives: funding, professional development, education, the legal-enabling environment, economic sustainability, media literacy, new media, and monitoring and evaluation. The report's recommendations include: establishing media development as its own sector of international assistance rather than only as a part of other development efforts as is the current trend; taking longer-term approaches to projects; engaging the local media community more in project designand implementation; improving journalists' professional skills and ethical standards; providing greater support to improve the legal-enabling environment; emphasizing media literacy; building stronger media management skills; integrating new technology; refining monitoring and evaluation methods; improving coordination among donors and implementers; integrating communication for development strategies in overall media assistance efforts." (CAMECO Update 5-2008)
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"Die Arbeit untersucht, welche Rolle die Medien für die Demokratisierung des von 24 Jahren Krieg zerstörten Landes spielen können. Vor allem internationale Hilfsorganisationen sind gefordert, die aufkeimende afghanische Presse auf dem Weg zu Demokratie und Freiheit zu begleiten. Nach theoretische
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n Überlegungen zu Demokratie und Medien sowie der politischen Situation Afghanistans richtet sich das Hauptaugenmerk auf die praktische Medienförderung vor Ort. Die Verfasserin bereiste im April 2004 das Camp des Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) der Bundeswehr in Kunduz und besuchte eine Woche lang verschiedene Presseprojekte der Deutschen sowie weitere Medienprojekte internationaler NGOs in Kunduz. Es wird deutlich, dass Medien in Zeiten des gesamtgesellschaftlichen Umbruchs eine wichtige Rolle für den Demokratisierungsprozess eines Landes spielen können. Medienhilfe muss zudem mit konventioneller Entwicklungshilfe kooperieren und sich an die Gegebenheiten des Landes anpassen. Nur so kann eine Presselandschaft entstehen, die zum jeweiligen Volk passt und sich somit auch nach dem Abzug der internationalen Hilfsorganisationen weiterentwickeln und finanzieren kann." (Abstract, aus: Transfer 1/2005, http://www.dgpuk.de/transfer)
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"Le président brésilien Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva n’a jamais eu de relations faciles avec la presse de son pays. Cette dernière a en effet appuyé, en grande majorité, le coup d’État qui a mené à la dictature militaire (1964-1985), et mis, depuis le rétablissement de la démocratie, tou
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te son énergie au service des candidats conservateurs. Cela n’a pas empêché finalement Lula de l’emporter en 2002, et d’être réélu en 2006, les deux fois avec un nombre record de suffrages. Cet ouvrage met l’accent sur le rôle d’acteur politique que joue la presse au Brésil, avec ses intérêts propres, y compris économiques, même lorsqu’ils sont dissimulés sous le manteau des grands principes démocratiques (« l’indépendance du quatrième pouvoir », « l’intérêt public », etc.). Publiant des témoignages inédits provenant des coulisses du gouvernement et des rédactions, Giancarlo Summa montre comment un leader charismatique, qui gouverne au nom des intérêts matériels et symboliques de la majorité défavorisée de la population, parvient à rompre le blocus des médias traditionnels. Le choix du président d’une communication directe (meetings, messages télévisés, Internet, recours à la presse locale et aux radios communautaires, etc.) lui a permis assurément de contourner le monopole médiatique des grands groupes commerciaux. Cependant Lula a renoncé à mettre sur pied une véritable politique de communication susceptible de remettre en question les intérêts structurels de ces grandes compagnies et de favoriser la création de médias alternatifs d’importance." (Dos de couverture)
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"The purpose of this handbook is to lay out some principles that could function as guideposts for journalists in Afghanistan as they seek to grapple with the evolving complexities of democracy in action. It seeks to provide concrete suggestions on how global best practices in political reporting and
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election coverage could be adapted for the Afghanistan context. Interactions between the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and the Afghan Independent Journalists Association (AIJA) have arrived at several conclusions about current media awareness of the democratic electoral process. Journalists find they have little access to the inner workings of the electoral process. They think that political leaders do not want to face journalists who ask difficult questions. The referee of the electoral process, the Independent Election Commission established under the constitution of Afghanistan, also is in need of media oversight, as are the election observers deployed by international agencies. Journalists are keen to join debate about the most appropriate pattern of electoral democracy for Afghanistan, in terms of assessing the presidential and the parliamentary system, and all the variants on these basic models. Journalists want an agreed charter of rights regarding their powers of scrutiny over the electoral process, so that they can report irregularities that ordinary people and public authorities can then seek to correct. Journalists want to understand better the principles of neutral and non-partisan reporting. In the specific situation of past and present conflict in Afghanistan, journalists want to understand how they can expand the limits of “safe reporting”, particularly in relation to the influence and coercive power wielded by erstwhile “warlords." (Introduction, page 3)
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"This paper aims to be 'an analytical tool designed to help stakeholders assess the state of the media and measure the impact of media development programmes' (page 7). It has been prepared to define indicators of media development in line with the priority areas of the International Programme for t
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he Development of Communications (IPDC). It suggests five major categories of indicators, and each category is broken down into a number of component issues and sources of verification. The five categories are: a system of regulation and control conductive to freedom of expression; plurality and diversity of media; media as a platform for democratic discourse; professional capacity building and supportive institutions; and infrastructural capacity." (CAMECO Update 2-2008)
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