"The EuroMaidan protests that shook Ukraine in late 2013 to early 2014 triggered a chain of events that brought numerous changes and challenges for the Ukrainian society. The Ukrainian media landscape has also been affected by the new challenges and impetus for democratization. The post-Maidan perio
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d saw both, improvements in the media environment and setbacks. While Ukrainian journalists can benefit from increased media freedom, new progressive legislation and reinvigoration of the democratic debate, many problems still shape the development of the media. Editorial dependence on owners, concentration of mainstream media in the hands of oligarchs, deteriorating quality of content and crisis of professional identity are distinctive features of the post-Maidan media landscape in Ukraine. This paper provides an overview of developments in the Ukrainian media system since the declaration of independence with a special focus on the situation after the EuroMaidan and discusses four major challenges that will impact the transformation of the Ukrainian journalism and media sphere." (Abstract)
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"In this chapter, we explore the role of the media in the context of Africa's broader democratization trends through an examination of three main areas: the media as political actors in conflict; the challenge of looking beyond formal state structures to informal governance in order to better unders
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tand the structure of the media and its relationship to centres of power, including ethnic or religious allegiances; and [...] the attempts of Africa's leaders to offer an alternative 'theory' about the role of media in democratization in conflict and postconflict societies." (Page 290)
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"Egypt’s plummeting press freedom is in part a result of the many ways in which the state can put pressure on independent media under Egyptian law. While the January 2014 constitution contains clear protections for the media (including, under Article 71, bans on censorship and surveillance), many
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of the oppressive laws imposed under Mubarak remain in place. These include provisions against defamation, blasphemy, and promotion of extremism, and the list is growing longer. One pending draft law prohibits publication of information pertaining to the armed forces without permission, and violators would be subject to stiff new criminal penalties. Another draft law would criminalize publication of information that contradicts the government line in terrorism matters. In many cases, these repressive laws are backed up by violence. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) conservatively estimates that 10 journalists have been killed in connection with their work since 2011, and reports that a record number of journalists are sitting in Egyptian jails. Egypt has more than five hundred newspapers, magazines, journals, and other publications. While many of these titles are owned by the Egyptian state, many others are privately owned. Most publications struggle financially; the country’s economic collapse has forced both state and private newspapers to implement deep budget cuts, though as of 2014, no major news outlet was forced to close its doors. In addition to their lack of resources, independent news organizations suffer from a lack of advocates. Organizations charged with representing journalists’ interests before the government, such as the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate, are reliant on state funding and have consequently proven to be ineffective guardians of press freedom." (Overview, page 2)
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"In the transitional states of South East Asia, an alternative media helped mobilize support for popular uprisings against authoritarian rule. In a democratizing context which promoted press freedom, joumalists emphasized their role as ‘watchdogs‘, striving to ensure that new political leaders d
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id not betray the ideals of that anti-dictatorship movement. This media watchdog attitude in transitional South East Asia has not always been conducive to democratic stability, however. Press-based anti-corruption campaigns have sometimes had destabilizing effects. In weakly institutionalized transitional systems, harsh and sustained criticism of the moral integrity of a sitting president or prime minister and their inner circle have helped mobilize large civilian protests that in turn provided justification for the rapid removal of the executive or even military intervention against elected leaders, resulting in illiberal ‘people power‘ coups." (Page 277)
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"This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first de
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mocratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012 to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation [...] Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi. It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political elite in an indiscriminate manner. Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle for complete editorial independence." (Abstract)
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"The Story of an Uprising examines the political and media dynamic in pre-and post-revolution Egypt and what it could mean for the country's democratic transition. We follow events through the period leading up to the 2011 revolution, eighteen days of uprising, military rule, an elected president's
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year in office, and his ouster by the military. Activism has expanded freedoms of expression only to see those spaces contract with the resurrection of the police state. And with sharpening political divisions, the facts have become amorphous as ideological trends cling to their own narratives of truth." (Back cover)
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"This book examines the contribution of mass media to modern democracies, in comparative perspective. Part I deals with the conceptualization and implementation of a systematic framework to assess democratic media performance, both in terms of media systems and content. Part II studies media effects
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on the quality of democracy. While the notion that mass media is an integral element of modern democracies is widely accepted, there is much controversy regarding the way in which the media has gone about playing its role as a cornerstone of democracy. This study contributes to the cross-national research on democratic media performance and its effects on the quality of democracy by grounding the debate over the role of the mass media in modern democracies in solid empirical, systematic and comparative evidence. The text develops a theoretical model of media performance which it then compares across numerous democratic states leading to the identification of varying patterns of media performance. The study also reveals important links between media performance and various aspects of a well-functioning democratic regime." (Publisher description)
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"This article explores the nexus between the democratic transformation of the media and international media assistance (IMA) as constrained by the local political conditions in the five countries of the Western Balkans. It aims to enhance the understanding of conditions and factors that influence me
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dia institution building in the region and evaluates the role of international assistance programs and conditionality mechanisms herein. The cross-national analysis concludes that the effects of IMA are highly constrained by the local context. A decade of IMA of varying intensity is not sufficient to construct media institutions when, in order to function properly, they have to outperform their local context. From today’s vantage point it becomes obvious, that in the short-term scaling-up IMA does not necessarily improve outcomes. The experiences in the region suggest that imported solutions have not been sufficiently cognitive of all aspects of local conditions and international strategies have tended to be rather schematic and have lacked strategic approaches to promote media policy stability, credible media reform and implementation." (Abstract)
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"International media assistance took off during a time where the ideological extremes of USA vs. USSR were set to disappear. Following the Cold War, international relations focused on democracy building, and nurturing independent media was embraced as a key part of this strategy [...] The US and UK
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led the way in media assistance, with their liberal ideas of a free press, bolstered by free market capitalism. America was the superpower, and forged the way around the globe with its beacon of democracy [...] This essay looks at the history of media assistance and the ongoing debate on the impact of media assistance over the long term, its motives and the new balance of power appearing in international media development." (Abstract)
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"Es lässt sich also feststellen, dass der Dokumentarfilm der Demokratie insofern zuträglich ist, da er seinen Schwerpunkt auf der Gewährleistung der Validierungs-, Orientierungs-, Informations-, Bildungs- und Sozialisationsfunktion hat, während das citizen journalism footage sich insbesondere da
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durch auszeichnet, dass es der Beobachter-, Informations-, Artikulations- und Kritik- und Kontrollfunktion verstärkt gerecht wird. Indem also das citizen journalism footage durch professionelle Instanzen in eine den gängigen Konventionen entsprechenende Form des etablierten Dokumentarfilms gebracht wird, können so die demokratieförderlichen Attribute ,alter‘ und ,neuer‘ Medien ergänzend kombiniert werden." (Conclusio, Seite 75-76)
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"This review presents evidence to suggest that independent media play a critical role in improving governance and reducing corruption, increasing economic efficiency and stability, and creating positive social and environmental change. The media provide information to actors throughout society allow
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ing them to participate in the decisions and debates that shape their lives. The media also play in important monitoring role in a democracy that enables citizens to hold their governments and elected officials accountable—leading to better policies and service implementation. For these reasons and others media development should be viewed as a desirable development outcome that underpins all others." (Summary)
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"This book focuses on eight films by some of the nation's best-known directors, including Man of Ashes (1986), Bezness (1992), and Making Of (2006) by Nouri Bouzid, Halfaouine (1990) by Férid Boughedir, The Silences of the Palace (1994) by Moufida Tlatli, Essaïda (1997) by Mohamed Zran, Bedwin Hac
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ker (2002) by Nadia El Fani, and The TV Is Coming (2006) by Moncef Dhouib. It explores the political economy and social, historical, and psychoanalytic dimensions of these works and the strategies filmmakers deployed to preserve cinema's ability to shape debates about national identity. These debates, the book argues, not only helped initiate the 2011 uprising that ousted Ben Ali's regime but also did much to inform and articulate the aspirations of the Tunisian people in the new millennium." (Publisher description)
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