"By learning about both the repression and resistance sides of Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is evident that digital technology is playing a critical role in this revolution. The military is using every possible technology to repress people, inject fear into society and manipulate it. The revolu
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tionists are also employing digital technology to circumvent the restrictions of the military and to employ innovative ways to build the state. The digital resilience of its society will be one of the determining factors of the revolution of Myanmar. This scenario of digital repression is one of the many manifestations that indicate that cyberspace has become a new sovereign territory different from land, sea and air. Information freedom, internet freedom, digital literacy, and media literacy cannot be taken for granted anymore as they now have an impact on people’s physical and digital survival. Therefore, Myanmar’s ongoing revolution to fight against the military’s dictatorship is not just physical anymore — the fact is that whoever harnesses the power of technology in the right way will become the game changer of the revolution." (Conclusion, page 14)
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"This report focuses on the main trends in digital authoritarian technologies used in Kazakhstan from 2017 to 2022. It contextualises the repressive online mechanisms within the changing political landscape. The January 2022 protests tested the grounds of social and political liberties — the seemi
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ng political stability failed. The Tokayev government closely monitored attempts to delegitimise his governance and the right to rule. The regime is sending mixed signals of future transition: promising liberal reforms and imposing further restrictions on political liberties. Post-January Kazakhstan fails on the experience of repression and increased securitisation, including in cyberspace. Two case studies — the arrest of opposition leader Zhanbolat Mamay for disinformation and coordinated inauthentic behaviour in social media during the presidential campaign — illustrate the culture of digital authoritarianism in Kazakhstan" (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"Like any authoritarian regime, the Philippine government uses various forms of digital authoritarianism to its advantage. The aim is to win the propaganda war against its perceived enemies so that it can continue implementing policies that are often detrimental to the ordinary folk. While the two i
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ncidents analysed in this research took place during the Duterte administration, the narrative frames asserted by state actors have persisted under the new administration of Marcos Jr. Marcos Jr. did not reverse Duterte’s actions. In fact, the same justifications have been peddled by the new officials in government, and even by online trolls with regard to the blocking of 27 websites and the practice of red-tagging. The same online vitriol against journalists and critics is being spread and amplified online under the new administration. The same pattern of attacks on the media has also been noted. According to human rights group Karapatan, the current Marcos Jr. administration seems intent on perpetuating different forms of authoritarianism to quell all forms of dissent." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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"[...] The research has revealed that the incumbent Kyrgyz government is actively suppressing dissent by engaging in information manipulation, passing restrictive laws and attacking free media and investigative journalism. The Kyrgyz government has introduced new laws to regulate online activity, an
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d is proposing additional legislation on foreign agents to control and to limit the activity of NGOs and foreign media, and on mass media to gain greater control over bloggers and social media accounts with more than 5,000 followers. The government has been using the “Law on Protection from False Information,” also known as the fake news law, to silence its critics. This has included shutting down the website of Azattyk, a foreign-funded media outlet critical of the state, and detaining and censoring individuals who share or repost information critical of the government on social media. Similarly, investigative reporters in Kyrgyzstan have had to deal with multiple accusations, various attacks, or legal action taken against them. One of them, Temirov Bolot, was forced to leave Kyrgyzstan and move to Russia in November 2022.
Furthermore, the research has examined how the Kyrgyz leadership is exploiting social media platforms to launch influence campaigns and boost the president’s popularity. Pages and groups supportive of Zhaparov on various social media platforms, including Instagram, Telegram, Facebook, YouTube, and WhatsApp, have emerged with the aim of garnering backing for the president during critical moments, and are run by individuals associated with his informal network, while receiving funding from unknown pro-president groups or individuals. The support pages promote the current regime’s decisions and policies by creating pro-regime content (usually videos) that is disseminated through multiple social media platforms, while also commenting on contentious news items published by critical media channels. These videos are directed towards under-educated Kyrgyz-speaking people who tend to trust unverified sources, conveying unconfirmed and intentionally exaggerated information. Overall, the situation with media freedom and freedom of opinion in Kyrgyzstan is worsening and these developments are worrying because the country has been a champion of democratic reforms in the region since 1991." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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"This report provides an overview of the most prolific instances of digital authoritarianism in Kenya. The report will debrief the most relevant actions and decisions taken by the Kenyan government in recent years that leverage the internet and technology in order to achieve certain political goals.
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The major incidents highlighted include communications and online surveillance, misuse of personal data and data breaches during elections, and misinformation and sponsored disinformation campaigns. Analysing how these actions are sanitised and justified by the government and how this is often permissible under Kenyan law. Further, looking into the harms and human rights abuses that arise from such incidents, this report concludes by analysing the general impact such actions have on democracy and civil liberties, and makes recommendations arising from the aforementioned analysis." (Executive summary)
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"Under the government of Rafael Correa, punitive measures were used systematically against the privately-owned press, and there were even emblematic prosecution cases that were later dealt with by international courts such as the El Universo case. However, Fundamedios and Fundación Periodistas Sin
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Cadenas continue to report that, even with Correa out of power, the Ecuadorian State continues to be journalists’ main aggressor. Therefore, it is vital to keep asking questions and not let the debate die with Correa out of power. Correa’s Communication Law, which went through profound modifications, showcases Ecuador’s political black-or-white thinking. The law was indeed used against journalists and the media, but when it was dismantled, it led to a problematic dichotomy between having more state or more self-regulated media. The latter eventually gained ground in the first year of Guillermo Lasso’s government. Also, other issues such as affirmative measures for community-led media, the role of public media, the distribution of frequencies of the radio electric spectrum, the broadcasting of intercultural content, all of which are needed to address communications as a whole, have been overshadowed." (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"This report analyses two major incidents: the disclosure that Pegasus spyware has been used against journalists from independent media outlets and representa tives of civil society, and Bukele’s legal advisor’s threats against two women journalists for not revealing anonymous sources included i
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n a news story. The second event represents a trend of online harassment and threats against women journalists promoted by President Bukele and public officials and replicated by Bukele’s supporters, troll centres, and pro-government influencers on social media. Through the analysis of these two main events, this report attempts to respond to the key research question: What are the main motives for, methods of, and responses to digital authoritarianism in El Salvador? Thus, this research identifies the major characteristics, strategies, and narratives interplaying in the configuration of digital authoritarianism in El Salvador. In conclusion, there is substantive evidence that Bukele and Bukelism are constructing a political project based on populism and authoritarian practices, and within this process, one key objective is to discredit the role of independent journalism, and, using spyware technologies such as Pegasus, to legally establish a monitoring system of critical voices and political opponents." (Executive summary)
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"With the crackdown on radio, TV, and newspapers since 2007, the Venezuelan population is largely dependent on digital spaces: social media is generally the main source of information across the country, and digital media has taken over other types of press and completely changed the media ecosystem
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in Venezuela. However, digital authoritarianism has rapidly advanced in the country since 2014, with Maduro’s arrival in power. Within Venezuela’s political and economic crisis, complex humanitarian emergency, and polarised context, digital authoritarianism is used to crack down on dissident voices and control freedom of expression, press, and opinion. Strategies behind digital authoritarianism in Venezuela range from internet blocking against digital media, censorship, the detention of people who use social media to express themselves against Maduro’s government, electrical outages that hinder internet access, surveillance of private communications without legal justification, electoral manipulation through technology, and misinformation and disinformation campaigns, to inorganic promotion through paid social media users. Venezuela’s opposition parties also take part in misinformation and export digital propaganda to countries like El Salvador." (Analysis and conclusion)
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"Para el trabajo en la escuela, la Alfabetización Mediática e Informacional (AMI) propone la incorporación de los medios tradicionales y digitales en el aula, que promuevan la generación de experiencias educativas reflexivas y críticas y la creación de medios, de manera responsable y ética. E
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n tal sentido, este documento diagnóstico presenta el proceso desarrollado en el contexto peruano y los énfasis de trabajo desde el Estado y la sociedad civil para promover la AMI. Asimismo expone las comprensiones e intereses de docentes frente a la propuesta de la AMI en su quehacer educativo. Este diagnóstico muestra la visión de diversos actores educativos que permiten identificar las posibilidades de inclusión de la AMI en la agenda pública educativa peruana; sobre todo para el fortalecimiento de las capacidades de docentes, el desarrollo de una base común teórica y metodológica, una intervención educativa contextualizada y con enfoque intercultural. El presente diagnóstico contiene el planteamiento de la metodología, antecedentes de la AMI, los hallazgos de la investigación, los desafíos planteados desde los actores entrevistados y las conclusiones del diagnóstico. Además se ha incluido una propuesta de agenda pública con temas que posibiliten un debate amplio sobre la pertinencia de la AMI en un mundo mediatizado y globalizado." (Introducción)
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"El estudio ha permitido identificar que la mayoría de los medios comunitarios trabajan en condiciones muy precarias, debido entre otras cosas al contexto de extrema pobreza y aislamiento de las zonas donde operan, lo cual genera falta de ingresos (por publicidad, avisaje) y con pocas condiciones d
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e sostenibilidad económica. Asimismo, que varios de los medios comunitarios no vienen funcionando actualmente. De un total de 35 titulares de medios entrevistados para el presente estudio, solo la mitad de los medios comunitarios trabajan con relativa normalidad, mientras que la otra mitad no sale al aire o funciona parcialmente por horas. Se ha podido constatar también que algunos de los compromisos establecidos en el Proyecto de Comunicación son cumplidos parcialmente por los medios comunitarios y otros no se cumplen (como el hecho de que el responsable del Proyecto de Comunicación o de la Programación del medio comunitario sea un profesional de la comunicación o el periodismo con experiencia). Se observa también que la gran mayoría de los titulares de medios comunitarios entrevistados no son comunicadores ni periodistas de profesión, sino que provienen de otros campos profesionales y en algunos casos han realizado estudios técnicos (ej. locución, manejo de equipos de estudio o cabina), lo que es una limitación para la gestión de un medio de comunicación. Asimismo, en la mayoría de los medios comunitarios participan entre una y dos personas, lo que habla de la debilidad institucional de estos equipos." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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"An urgent finding of this first Fairwork Mexico report was impact platform work has on the physical and mental health of workers. Indeed, in megacities like Mexico City, and in urban environments marked by traffic congestion, pollution and fast-paced city life, workers’ bodies are being reduced t
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o an extension of the algorithm. Almost half of the workers we interviewed for this report reported that working for digital labour platforms affects them physically or mentally." (Editorial)
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"This research indicates that the government criminalises free speech by using a vague and broad definition of fake news, and clamps down on dissent and criticism, and that journalists who criticise the government are seen as enemies of the state — as in the case of the jailing of Kingsley Fomunyu
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y Njoka. This was evident during the conflict in the Anglophone regions in 2017. Internet throttling was also used during the 2018 elections. Online surveillance has been used to track down and arrest Cameroonians who criticise the president and state authority, citing the cybersecurity and cyber criminality law. Journalists have been arrested and jailed for social media posts. The lucky ones have been freed, some fled the country but many more are still in jail in connection with issues related to freedom of expression, information, and opinion on and offline." (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"The Guatemala DECA report presents the findings and recommendations of the Guatemala DECA. It outlines the key aspects of Guatemala’s digital ecosystem and provides nine recommendations for creating a more inclusive, safe, and enabling environment. Guided by USAID/Guatemala priorities: i) partner
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with the Government of Guatemala and other stakeholders to increase economic prosperity, inclusion, and stability in areas with high irregular migration; ii) partner with the Government of Guatemala and other stakeholders to strengthen effective and accountable governance to improve quality of life and reduce irregular migration; and iii) partner with the Government of Guatemala and other stakeholders to improve justice and security to reduce irregular migration, the DECA process included desk research, consultations with USAID/Guatemala technical offices, 76 key informant interviews with stakeholders from civil society, academia, and the private and public sectors, and five focus group discussions with USAID project participants. Key findings include: Guatemala does not have a central strategy or policy for the digitalization of government services or systems; while Guatemala is home to relatively high network coverage, gaps in internet use remain and innovative solutions face regulatory barriers; the digital divide persists across gender, geography, income, education and literacy, and ethnicity, and was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic; digital rights are insufficiently protected and disinformation and harassment are present in the online space; over the last decade, the Government of Guatemala adopted long-term policies to support the development of the digital economy; progress is unclear but data show there has been some impact on financial inclusion; although in its early days, there is unprecedented growth in Guatemala’s startup ecosystem, specifically FinTech." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Democracies must say no to the technologies, platforms, standards, and frameworks shrewdly proposed by China in various international fora and technical or standards bodies in order to make our Internet more like the one in China. Internet governance must be kept open and participatory for all stak
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eholders, not just governments. Research into and the development of privacy-preserving and anti-censorship technologies must be supported. A vision for a free and open global Internet must be integrated into future foreign policy formulation, not only because it should be, but also because China has already begun to integrate its own contrary vision." (Executive summary)
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"This policy paper highlights significant threats to press freedom in Kenya despite legal protections and media development progress. These challenges encompass various aspects, including legal, political, economic, and internal issues within the media industry. Both civil society and the internatio
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nal community, usually key defenders of press freedom, have faced limitations in their efforts to protect the media from these diverse challenges. The political environment poses significant challenges, with the government and politicians showing little tolerance for press freedom. Troublingly, government officials, including high-ranking figures, have been involved in attacks on journalists, raising concerns due to their influential positions. The government‘s manipulation of advertising exacerbates the assault on media freedom, as advertising revenue is crucial for media sustainability. Financial stability is essential for countering external pressures. The financial strain on media organizations has worsened due to Covid-19-related austerity measures, resulting in staff cuts, wage reductions, and limitations on content development. This financial hardship has driven government officials, advertisers, and media owners to exert control over media content, leading to self-censorship in newsrooms. To address these challenges and promote media freedom in Kenya, civil society and the international community must reengage actively. Their advocacy and support can counterbalance the identified challenges. Implementing the recommendations outlined below is crucial to improving the media landscape in Kenya and protecting press freedom." (Conclusions, page 14)
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