"Hoy gracias a lo logrado con el monitoreo de medios realizado en las elecciones de Congreso y Presidencia 2014 el país cuenta con información cualificada para que especialistas, investigadores y la MOE puedan crear diálogos con periodistas de todo el país sobre la importancia de temas como la p
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articipación política de la mujer y la transparencia electoral durante los procesos democráticos." (Página 9)
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"Although in the decade 1995 to 2005 there was a slow but steady increase in women’s visibility in the news, the decade 2005 to 2015 has been one of stagnation. At 24% of the total, there has been no change in women’s share of news-making roles in the traditional media (newspapers, radio, televi
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sion) since 2010, and indeed almost none since 2005 when women were 23% of newsmakers. The new digital media (Internet and Twitter news) offer little comfort. Here too, women were only 26% of people in the news in 2015. Across all media, women were the central focus of just 10% of news stories – exactly the same figure as in 2000. Since 2005 the percentage of stories reported by women has been static at 37%, and there has been almost no movement in the proportion of news that challenges gender stereotypes – just 4% of the total in 2015." (Foreword, page 1)
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"La televisión peruana carece del conocimiento suficiente relativo al enfoque de género y por ello no lo aplica. El espíritu de la sociedad del espectáculo –por el cual todo se ve y todo se exhibe- condiciona la producción televisiva y su representación del género. Así, el noticiero espect
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áculo es vitrina para la masculinidad criminal mientras que el reality show es vitrina para la masculinidad y feminidad hegemónica. Esto no tiene frontera en cuanto a edades. Niños sicarios aparecen en los noticieros exhibiendo armas al cinto así sus rostros sean ocultos. Salvo excepciones, niños participantes de concursos son seleccionados más que por talento, en razón a sus atributos de seducción erótica, produciéndose una temprana hipersexualización. La hipersexualización se haya presente en la mayor parte de programas, subrayando por encima de otras, las características corporales de los personajes televisivos protagonistas de shows en vivo y reduciendo a la persona a estas características." (Conclusiones, página 19)
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"It is still not well understood how the media affect anti-immigrant party voting. In this paper, we argue and demonstrate empirically that mere exposure to immigration- and crime-related news is positively related to the likelihood that a voter casts a vote for an anti-immigrant party. On the basis
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of a media content analysis (N = 20,084 news items) in combination with a voter panel survey (N = 17,014 respondents) conducted in 11 European countries we find for several anti-immigrant parties that e ceteris paribus e exposure to news about immigration or crime increases voters' probabilities to vote for these parties. We discuss our findings in light of prior research on issue ownership, and their implications for the role of the mass media in established democracies"(Abstract)
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"How do interventions by the UN Security Council and the International Criminal Court influence representations of mass violence? What images arise instead from the humanitarianism and diplomacy fields? How are these competing perspectives communicated to the public via mass media? Zooming in on the
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case of Darfur, Joachim J. Savelsberg analyzes more than three thousand news reports and opinion pieces and interviews leading newspaper correspondents, NGO experts, and foreign ministry officials from eight countries to show the dramatic differences in the framing of mass violence around the world and across social fields." (Publisher description)
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"If the focus of peace journalism is to press for quality journalism during conflict reporting which will ultimately contribute to peace, then the findings of this study show that the available reporting on the Balochistan conflict passes the litmus test. The coverage is pro-people, and the reporter
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s are aware of their responsibility to society. Despite acute security problems, the journalists have been able to bring the conflict onto the public agenda. A majority of Pakistanis now agree that the people of Balochistan have been maltreated by both politicians and the army, and the time has come to grant them the rights for which they have been fighting for decades, sacrificed thousands of lives and endured great suffering." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the spatial politics of Othering and whether women are marginalized in political conversations online in India. It's methodology consists of an analysis of 23,350 tweets over an eight-day period. It shows a significant underrepresentation of women in Twitter's political conversa
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tions, which mirrors a real-world marginalization of women in India's political processes." (Abstract)
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"How are marginalized peoples and places framed in their dominant national media? Framing theory applied through a comparative narrative analysis of 313 news articles, 291 photos and 1051 telenovela scenes allowed Brazilian media representations of a marginalized people, favelados, and marginalized,
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contested spaces, favelas, to be juxtapositioned. ‘Organizing principles’ communicated through media reports and stories of these marginalized groups operated to shape a certain social reality within the nation-state of Brazil. The salient latent frames 'Abandoned favelas and favelados' and 'Favela life is ideal father-led life' percolated from news and novela reports, respectively. That the timing of news reports and photos with telenovela production were concurrent, yet the manifest media framing of these people and places proved so radically different, makes this study interesting. More importantly, while the telenovela initially appeared as the more progressive storyteller, latent framing across media platforms harmonized hegemonically, retrogressing Brazilian storytelling to its paternalistic past." (Abstract)
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"This article explores obstacles and conditions that environmental nongovernmental organizations face in interacting with media outlets in Kyrgyzstan. It also examines the limited scope of environmental journalism and the resulting limited ability of news outlets and eco-NGOs to help set the public
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agenda for discussion of policy and issues in the country. Even if such public relations interaction occurs, it is rarely effective and rarely generates influential eco/environmental articles in the media. The study is based on a content analysis of the news agency 24.kg and the newspaper Vecherniy Bishkek. It includes results of a survey and interviews with eco-NGOs representatives." (Abstract)
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"Kuwait boasts high levels of political and media freedoms compared to many countries in the Middle East, and it enjoys a vibrant social media scene. The Kuwaiti parliamentary election in February 2012 was the first election in which candidates widely utilized Twitter during their campaigns. This ar
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ticle presents a content analysis of tweets sent by the 50 winning members of parliament (MPs) during the campaign period. It seeks to ascertain the Twitter usage patterns of MPs and determine whether Twitter was an effective tool in gaining votes. Although Twitter was widely used among MPs, it was employed less for information sharing or communicating about political issues and more for engaging with followers. This article concludes that no relationship existed between using Twitter and gaining votes. Rather, the social media platform acted as a natural extension of off-line interactions between MPs and the electorate." (Abstract)
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"Die südafrikanischen Tageszeitungen Daily Sun, Sowetan, The Citizen und The Star repräsentieren die vier dominierenden Medienverlage in Südafrika und berichteten im April und Mai 2015 alle über Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Migration. Die meisten Artikel in der Stichprobe stammten von der Zeitung St
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ar. Die Berichterstattung aller Zeitungen war in Bezug auf die Bezeichnung von Ausländern neutral. Bezüglich der Beschreibung und Assoziation mit bestimmten Themenfeldern fiel auf, dass Ausländer überwiegend als Opfer dargestellt wurden. Zitate werden in der Berichterstattung vor allem dazu genutzt, Fremdenfeindlichkeit zu verurteilen. Allerdings ist die Assoziation von Ausländern mit Illegalität immer noch sehr präsent. Diese Assoziation wird durch überzeichnende Metaphern häufig noch gestützt. Bezüglich der einzelnen Zeitungen fällt auf, dass die Berichterstattung des Stars im Vergleich negativer gegenüber Ausländern und Migration ausfällt." (Zusammenfassung, Seite 10)
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"Using Bourdieu’s field theory, this thesis describes journalism education from the perspective of Australians who specialise in teaching outside Australia. It uses three data sources: a content analysis of media in Solomon Islands; a survey and in-depth interviews with Australian journalism educa
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tors; and a case study of Solomon Islands. It is significant in that for the first time this thesis describes a group of Australian journalism educators (as opposed to journalists) in depth. In the case study, the thesis describes the work done in rebuilding the media in a post-Conflict situation (Solomon Islands), paying attention to the characteristics and influences of Australian educators and contrasting the educators’ views with those of Solomon Island journalists and civil society leaders. This thesis features in-depth interviews and surveys of 44 Australian educators as well as 25 people connected to the media in Solomon Islands." (Abstract)
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"El número total de notas publicadas en cinco medios escritos fue de 572, cantidad poco relevante si se considera que fueron 51 ejes monitoreados en 11 meses [...] El conteo final reporta que el eje de sucesos fue el que más publicaciones tuvo, con 100. Esto deja claro, como ha sido común en moni
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toreos departamentales realizados por CERIGUA, que tanto medios nacionales como locales privilegian la información de sucesos, por ser “lo que más vende”. El eje de Mujeres, aunque fue el segundo con más publicaciones, no fue constante; solo en marzo y noviembre tuvo 11 publicaciones, respectivamente; mayo tuvo 8 y julio 5; los demás meses fueron 3 y menos. De los ejes establecidos en este monitoreo no se publicó nada de: Acuerdos de Paz, Minería, Política Agraria, Cosmovisión y Espiritualidad, Reivindicaciones legales, Sequía, Ley de Obtención de Vegetales, Narcoactividad a pesar de la elevada importancia que revisten." (Conclusiones del período analizado: enero a noviembre de 2015, página 156).
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"Los programas de interés general dedicaron un 27,2% de su programación a la presentación de temas que involucran a niñas, niños y adolescentes. Sin embargo, esta presencia notablemente alta en los ciclos del género no implica necesariamente un tratamiento positivo, una participación activa y
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un rol como sujetos de derecho, tal como se propone desde la Convención de los Derechos del Niño –Ley 23.849– y desde la Ley 26.061. En efecto, al profundizar en las modalidades en que son abordados los segmentos, se advierte que durante la mitad de ese tiempo de programación NNyA son representados/as mediante aspectos negativos." (Conclusiones, página 71)
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"Reporting bias – the media's tendency to systematically underreport or overreport certain types of events – is a persistent problem for participants and observers of armed conflict. We argue that the nature of reporting bias depends on how news organizations navigate the political context in wh
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ich they are based. Where government pressure on the media is limited – in democratic regimes – the scope of reporting should reflect conventional media preferences toward novel, large-scale, dramatic developments that challenge the conventional wisdom and highlight the unsustainability of the status quo. Where political constraints on reporting are more onerous – in non-democratic regimes – the more conservative preferences of the state will drive the scope of coverage, emphasizing the legitimacy and inevitability of the prevailing order. We test these propositions using new data on protest and political violence during the 2011 Libyan uprising and daily newspaper coverage of the Arab Spring from 113 countries. We uncover evidence of a status-quo media bias in non-democratic states, and a revisionist bias in democratic states. Media coverage in non-democracies underreported protests and nonviolent collective action by regime opponents, largely ignored government atrocities, and overreported those caused by rebels. We find the opposite patterns in democratic states." (Abstract)
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"A review of the literature indicates a plethora of studies examining the coverage of Middle Eastern conflicts, but hardly any research has been explicitly framed as being developed from a peace/war journalism perspective. The current study, therefore, represents a substantive effort to remedy this
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deficiency. It examines the extent to which the 2010 Mavi Marmara incident is framed based on Johan Galtung’s classification of peace/war journalism. A content analysis of 156 online stories from Haaretz, The Guardian, and The New York Times suggests that overall differences exist among the war/peace narratives published in the three newspapers. The validity of few peace indicators used also was noted. The authors strongly advocate for the need to redefine indicators for peace journalism to reflect the concept as distinct from objective, and factual reporting." (Abstract)
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"Die Studie behandelt nationale Identität als eine mediale Konstruktion und verfolgt dabei drei Ziele. Es wird ein Identitätsbegriff gesucht, der die Mikro- und Makroebene der Identitätsbildung sinnvoll miteinander verbindet. Darauf aufbauend wird eine Methode entwickelt, um nationale Identität
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anhand der Medienberichterstattung zu untersuchen. Diese wird am Beispiel Bulgariens angewandt. Dabei interessiert, wie sich die bulgarische nationale Identität im Zuge des EU-Beitritts verändert." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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