"The report found seven significant frames to stories about business in Africa:
1 More negative coverage: International media are more likely to negatively frame issues that impact on business in Africa while African media are twice as likely to reference corruption in their coverage of business in
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Africa compared to international media.
2 Foreign powers scramble for Africa: 70% of international coverage about business in Africa is dominated by references to foreign powers like China, the USA, Russia, France and the UK.
3Africa is two countries: Business in Africa coverage focuses on South Africa and Nigeria while business stars like Mauritius, Botswana, the Seychelles and Namibia get little coverage and research attention.
4. Silencing creativity, amplifying technology: Despite Nollywood being the world’s second-largest film industry and the growing influence of musical influences like AfroBeats and AmaPiano, creative businesses were only featured in 1% of all articles across African and global media.
5. Youth and women are underrepresented: Africa claims the top three spots in the Mastercard Index for the highest concentration of women business owners in the world. It also has the youngest population globally. However, youth and women are underrepresented. In fact, online news coverage of young people has declined since 2017, falling from 12.5% of articles referencing young people in 2017 to 8.1% in 2021.
6. Government, policy and regulations dominate: Around 54.5% of business news in 2021 was framed through government action and policies. Additionally, African media focused more on themes related to government than on those related to entrepreneurship. Yet, African countries make up six of the top 10 countries whose populations were most likely to search for the topic of entrepreneurship in 2021.
7. Missing Free Trade Area and investment: It makes up 1% of news and academic research, yet the agreement is expected to lift 30 million Africans out of extreme poverty and boost the incomes of nearly 68 million others. It’s also projected to boost Africa’s income by $450 billion by 2035 and increase Africa’s exports by $560 billion, mostly in manufacturing." (Executive summary, pages-5-6)
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"The research – based on programmatic text-mining supported analyses of several millions of war-related comments scraped by Sentione and further examined with CrowdTangle - found traces of inauthentic, repetitive pro-Kremlin activity on Facebook in all countries under review, which can be consider
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ed attempts to influence public opinion in the affected states and, in some cases, beyond them. Our main conclusions are: Crises help the Kremlin. Even if public opinion in the EU is currently unfavorable to the Kremlin, the onset of high, permanent inflation, soaring energy prices and the looming danger of an EU-wide recession could create a more favorable environment for the Kremlin’s propaganda efforts. Most (covertly) Kremlin-friendly forces will adopt a rhetoric blasting sanctions for harming Europe more than Russia. Importing disinformation narratives. Three out of the four narratives found in Hungary were imported into the country from abroad. One doubting Ukraine’s existence as a country started from an organization connected to Ukrainian pro-Putin oligarch Viktor Medvechuk, taken over by the so-called “news agency” of separatists. Another narrative detailing a new, dictatorial world order based on, among others, COVID-19 restrictions, and led by NATO was aimed at developing countries where Russia can hope to hold more sway. The third essentially took over a trend in the Russian media space: users tried to discredit anti-war voices by asking them “where they were in the past eight years” when Ukraine committed atrocities against minorities. Strategies in Germany: Divide and Rule. The six relevant narratives we found in Germany employed three different strategies. The first was anti-Westernism, where the US and NATO are to blame for Russia’s attack. The second aimed clearly at generating debates by spreading a Kremlin-critical narrative. Some profiles involved in this were caught disseminating both pro-Kremlin and anti-Kremlin narratives, which indicates it is not intended to counter the Kremlin’s information operation but to be a part of it. The third strategy was about exploiting contemporary events - such as heightened discussions on sanctions and rising inflation." (Executive summary)
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"Maidan, Krim und Russland bilden 2014 einen Fokus der Berichterstattung, als Proteste v. a. in Kiew in eine Staatskrise münden und die Halbinsel Krim von Russland annektiert wird. Diese einschneidenden Ereignisse werden von Medien eingeordnet und in Sinnzusammenhänge eingebettet. Die vorliegende
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Medien-Frame-Analyse untersucht das Bild, das seinerzeit in den kommentierenden Texten der reichweitenstärksten deutschen Printmedien geprägt wurde. Sie begreift Meinung als über den Begriff des Frames in den Texten nachweisbar, den sie theoretisch daraus herleitet, wie Menschen mit (Eigen-)Kategorien die Welt verstehen und sortieren. Mit einer operationalisierbaren Definition des Begriffes Frame können so die Meinungsspektren nachgezeichnet werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"El artículo presenta una propuesta multidimensional de medición del pluralismo informativo en distintos programas de TV abierta: noticieros centrales, matinales y programas de opinión y debate, así como los resultados de su aplicación en Chile. El instrumento está compuesto de 6 dimensiones:
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diversidad, editorialidad, concentración, propiedad, percepción y alcance. La hipoìtesis es que una adecuada medición del pluralismo televisivo requiere de distintas dimensiones de análisis, que incluyen aspectos de la programación, las audiencias y la televisión como mercado. Tras dos pruebas piloto, la aplicación del instrumento mostró como resultado un bajo pluralismo en los programas analizados que se expresa en la homogeneidad de contenidos (temas, fuentes, partidos políticos), en un contexto de alta concentración de la audiencia y la inversión publicitaria en los canales con peor puntaje. Estos hallazgos plantean preguntas y propuestas sobre la TV pública y la institucionalidad reguladora del sector en el actual escenario de cambio constitucional." (Resumen)
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"Since Syrians took to the streets more than 11 years ago demanding freedom from decades of dictatorship, the Syrian regime has used violence and disinformation as tools to silence those who dare to oppose it, especially those brave enough to expose the war crimes being committed. Civilians, doctors
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, humanitarians and human rights defenders have all faced real-life consequences of online harms. Their experiences are testament to the deadly cost of disinformation. Although there is a trove of evidence of torture, chemical weapons use, and the indiscriminate and targeted bombing of civilians, a relatively small number of conspiracy theorists – sometimes aided by a Russian-backed disinformation campaign, other times inspired by Russia’s disinformation talking points – have managed to distort the facts, endanger people’s lives, and cast long shadows of doubt over policy debates on Syria; in some cases stalling political action by the international community when it was sorely needed. New data gathered and analysed by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) for this report shows that disinformation about the conflict in Syria has created a dangerous ecosystem that permeates beyond the online bubble of social media and impacts both lives and government policies in the real world. The disinformation campaign has been devastating for those who are brave enough to risk everything to document human rights violations, as well as for survivors of chemical attacks. The unprecedented use of social media in the Syria conflict shed new light on the evolution of information warfare. Indeed, the war in Syria was the first major conflict to be played out online, creating what researchers have dubbed "a dangerous illusion of unmediated information flows." (Page 2)
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"Der Klimawandel ist eine der größten Herausforderungen unserer Zeit. Schulen tragen eine große Verantwortung, junge Menschen mit dem nötigen Wissen über Ursachen und Lösungsmöglichkeiten auszustatten. Die Studie des Instituts für ökonomische Bildung (IÖB) zeigt allerdings, dass Schülerin
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nen und Schüler in der Schule nur wenig zu Themen wie dem Emissionshandel, der Ökosteuer oder anderen Markt- und Anreizlösungen erfahren. Auch die Perspektive von Verbrauchern und Unternehmen wird selten berücksichtigt. Nur wenn diese Bildungslücke geschlossen wird, sind junge Menschen in der Lage, politische und ökonomische Lösungsvorschläge adäquat zu bewerten." (https://shop.freiheit.org)
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"This report highlights an emerging and continuously developing Chinese state information capability in Solomon Islands. That capability can be deployed to support the CCP’s objectives, which include undermining Solomon Islands’ existing relationships with foreign partners, particularly Australi
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a and the US. Local media outlets have the highest level of online penetration and engagement in Solomon Islands. CCP official-led articles published in local media—including opinion pieces, press releases and other quote-based articles—are the most effective method of propagating CCP narratives in Solomon Islands’ online information environment. Party-state media articles produced by outlets such as the Global Times and the People’s Daily, although useful in highlighting CCP narratives, had little impact on and penetration into the Solomon Islands’ online information environment. They were rarely shared in public Facebook groups and, when they were shared, received mostly anti-China comments in response. Unlike CCP media releases and editorials published in local media, party-state media articles were rarely republished by local media outlets, which favoured content from Western media sources independent of state control, such as the Australian Broadcasting Corporation." (Key takeaways, page 5)
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"The following report reflects the results of media content monitoring to analyze conflict coverage by Azerbaijani- and Armenian-language regional platforms. In addition, the report incorporates conflict-related qualitative data acquired from specific Russian- and Georgian-language Facebook accounts
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. The study aims to identify the degree of media's adherence to professional standards of conflict reporting and the potential spread of disinformation and hate speech. The study applied a mixed methodology - namely, Internews' conflict coverage assessment methodology, which relies on quantitative and qualitative methods and was adapted for use in the context of Georgia. The study has also utilized the Facebook analytics tool CrowdTangle for social media monitoring. The report reflects the results of monitoring conducted between May 1, 2021 and January 31, 2022." (Introduction)
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"In February 2022, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) took an unprecedented step, citing mis- and disinformation and the “politicization of science” as key barriers to action. For the first time, a document accepted by all Member Governments stated that rhetoric from “vested
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economic and political interests… undermines climate science” and in turn has driven “public misperception of climate risks and polarised public support for climate actions”. The diagnosis was explicit, and built on a growing body of evidence produced across the environmental and research sectors in recent years: to solve the climate crisis, we must also tackle the information crisis. Drawing on research compiled over the past 18 months, and especially in the margins and aftermath of COP26, we have clear evidence of the challenge at hand: the failure to stem mis- and disinformation online has allowed junk science, climate delayism and attacks on climate figures to become mainstreamed. Our analysis has shown how a small but dedicated community of actors boast disproportionate reach and engagement across social media, reaching millions of people worldwide and bolstered by legacy print, broadcast and radio outlets. Far from helping to mitigate this issue, tech platform systems appear to be amplifying or exacerbating the spread of such content. Moreover, the taxonomy of harm relating to climate mis- and disinformation has been poorly defined to date, providing an inadequate basis for response. This report is a collective effort to quantify the problem and establish concrete responses for the months and years ahead. It is a data-driven examination of the landscape, actors, systems and approaches that are combining to prevent action on climate." (https://www.isdglobal.org)
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"How did that impact the media's ability to tell this story? Did this period of protest have coverage that centred on survivors and the rights of women, or did the media fixate on voyeuristic representations of violence? Did the reports challenge rape myths and the culture of shame that demonstrator
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s spoke up against, or did they repeat sexist stereotypes that end up reinforcing gender inequality? And finally, how can media coverage of sexual violence be made more gender-sensitive and trauma-informed? These are some of the questions that the author attempted to answer in this paper." (Introduction)
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"En este libro Carlos Rivadeneyra Olcese analiza el desarrollo y el estado actual de ese ecosistema comunicacional al que llama la podcastfera peruana. Para ello aborda las similitudes, diferencias y tensiones entre el podcasting como medio nativo digital y su pariente análogo más cercano: la radi
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o. Echa, además, una mirada al contenido de los podcasts peruanos y al papel de los amateurs y de los grandes medios de comunicación en la configuración de una tipología de nuestros podcasts. Y nos explica las posibilidades, a veces aprovechadas y a veces no, del transcasting. Con este estudio, Rivadeneyra Olcese deja en claro que el podcasting ha venido para quedarse y que está alcanzando su primera madurez entre nosotros. El estudio ofrece una inicial mirada a este nuevo medio de comunicación y traza las líneas que han de seguir, de aquí en adelante, los estudios que lo aborden." (https://www.ulima.edu.pe/publicaciones)
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"The trending hashtags analysed in this study all appeared at the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, when a range of Western media suggested that the African continent would be hit worst. However, as Western nations (such as the US and the UK) struggled under increased disease burden, content s
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uch as the #DontRushChallenge, #DontLeaveMeChallenge and #JerusalemaChallenge kept global social media audiences entertained and aware. These challenges should not be underestimated for their subversion of the idea of what popular narratives Africans can produce and engage in. The fact that a gospel Zulu song became an anthem for collective Covid-19 solidarity and entertainment is significant. Many users would not have understood the words of the song or identified the religious genre it belonged to. But the song's Creolisation of African cultures, through its infusion of Angolan dance techniques created a hybrid African cosmopolitan aesthetic that was easy for others to partake of. Thus emerged a sort of “solidarity from below”, as discussed in the literature review." (Discussion, page 11)
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"Peace journalism (PJ), originally proposed by Johan Galtung as a set of ideational distinctions in representations of conflict, has served as the organizing principle for both scholarly research and practical application. Much of the latter has come through media development aid, generally taking t
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he form of professional training courses for editors and reporters. The effectiveness of such schemes depends on activating and galvanizing journalistic agency to change the content of reporting. This highlights a paradox: PJ is the policy response to Galtung’s landmark 1965 essay, published with Mari Holmboe Ruge, ‘The structure of foreign news’, which, instead, attributed the chief influences on news content to the political economy of media. This article presents and considers two sets of data. One comes from interviews with sixteen alumni of PJ training courses, in which they disclose which aspects proved most readily applicable in their work. The other is based on a survey of 55 articles from The Peace Journalist, a biannual magazine published by the Global Peace Journalism Center at Park University, Missouri, which, between them, report on training courses in 33 countries over ten years. It shows which aspects of PJ are most often emphasized in such initiatives, and in what kind of conflict contexts. The two data sets are then compared and cross-referenced to show how both trainers and trainees set out to supplement and circumvent structural constraints and thus overcome the PJ paradox." (Abstract)
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