"Although various studies have investigated the link between corruption and politicization, there is still a lack of comprehensive reflection in the literature on both this topic and the idea of politicization itself. Analyzing the politicization of an issue necessarily implies considering the publi
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c sphere and then the role of the media. Considering its penetration and its role as a news source for citizens, social media today is a particularly intriguing object of research. Our study shows that while social media may assist in raising awareness about and curbing corruption, it can also become dysfunctional in some circumstances. The multiplicity of the actors who intervene in corruption and the diversity of interests that characterizes their actions make online discussion complex and adaptable to different objectives. Discussions on corruption in Italy are highly polarized, favoring the political instrumentalization of the issue for different goals." (Abstract)
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"All aid organisations rely on whistleblowing to find out about corruption and other irregularities; however, significant variations exist in their policies and practices. There is a need to tailor whistleblowing channels to specific contexts, operational environments, and target audiences . while e
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nsuring gender and inclusivity considerations . to improve accessibility. Best practices include engaging with trustworthy local organisations for receiving alerts, and relying on locally trained staff for face-to-face interactions. Whistleblowing management processesemphasise the principles of anonymity and confidentiality, security, and credibility, with a victim-centred approach. Yet, some departments in aid organisations lack independence in handling reports, potentially compromising response capabilities and prioritising organisational interests over individuals. Best practices emphasise a 'speak-up' and anti-corruption culture supported by the top management, as well as an ombudsperson providing neutral ethical advice. The ability of aid organisations to ensure whistleblower protection in recipient countries is limited by diverse legal frameworks and power dynamics. Enhancing whistleblower protection would require securing collaboration with legal authorities and offering guidance to potential whistleblowers." (Main points, page 3)
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"Based on Articles 10 and 13 of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) as an entry-point and building on recent developments in international human rights and multi-stakeholder initiatives focusing on anticorruption, transparency and openness, this Guide documents the importance of
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access to information (ATI) at the transnational and national levels to support efforts preventing corruption, showcasing both existing and emerging practices. It presents examples of how proactive disclosure and reactive disclosure of information support anticorruption efforts in terms of prevention and investigation. ATI is at the heart of many international and sector-based initiatives that build on citizens’ participation to improve accountability and increase transparency in public life. The Guide is an abbreviated version of ARTICLE 19’s detailed guide, published in 2022. It presents to all anti-corruption practitioners’ examples and initiatives initiated by States Parties to the UNCAC, international organizations, civil society organizations, and the private sector to promote ATI. It also exhibits how their combined or individual efforts contribute to fighting corruption and increasing transparency." (Introduction)
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"This midterm performance evaluation of the United States Agency for International Development’s Assistance to Citizens in Fight Against Corruption Activity (ACFC) and Investigative Journalism Program (IJP) examines the outcomes the activities achieved during the first two and a half years of impl
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ementation. Both activities started in September 2019 and will end in September 2024. The evaluation concluded that the two activities increased citizens’ awareness about and confidence in anticorruption activities of civil society in directly targeted municipalities, and awareness about media anticorruption reporting at a national level. More success stories and a centralized effort to promote results and messaging should follow, and all supported media requires an improved approach to audience engagements. Despite stagnation at the national level, citizens’ engagement in anticorruption increased significantly in affected municipalities, especially through locally based informal groups and CSO initiatives, as well as through well-tailored initiatives for monitoring abuse of public resources in pre-election campaigns and public procurement during the pandemic. The lack of coordination between direct beneficiaries, and with external stakeholders, partially caused by the pandemic, made anticorruption efforts fragmented and less sustainable. The pandemic and political stalemates negatively affected the high-level advocacy initiatives with modest results only in the areas of conflict of interest and public procurement, while the ACFC grantees had some results in their advocacy initiatives. The two activities were effective in getting institutions to process corruption reports and in stopping illegal activities in some of the institutions. Investigative journalism reports resulted in several high-profile corruption cases. Even though judicial effectiveness is improving, citizens’ distrust in judicial and other institutions still hampers gains in reporting corruption." (Abstract)
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"The recent barbaric murder of an investigative journalist in Malta who was looking into corruption at the top echelons of power sparked off a civil society movement, Repubblika, spurring ordinary citizens into participating in collective protest action. The movement also incorporated a loose groupi
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ng of women calling themselves ‘Occupy Justice’. Different forms of protest against government corruption have resulted in the resignation of various senior politicians and high-ranking officials, including the Prime Minister. Taking as a point of departure the struggle against the unequal distribution of power as defined by Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière, the empowering force of civil protest is here examined in relation to how power is appropriated and how institutional power is resisted. Micromobilization and mesomobilization are seen as two means of staging protest and creating a common force with which to confront corrupt power structures. Protest, power, and resistance are viewed in the light of theatrical events; the creative means deployed to stage protests are discussed. The aesthetic qualities meant to transform perception and move people to action for bringing about political change are highlighted in relation to both sensory and symbolic dynamics." (Abstract)
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"The courageous acts of whistleblowing that inspired the world over the past few years have changed our perception of surveillance and control in today's information society. But what are the wider effects of whistleblowing as an act of dissent on politics, society, and the arts? How does it contrib
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ute to new courses of action, digital tools, and contents? This urgent intervention based on the work of Berlin's Disruption Network Lab examines this growing phenomenon, offering interdisciplinary pathways to empower the public by investigating whistleblowing as a developing political practice that has the ability to provoke change from within." (Publisher description)
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"This article focuses on state-media relations and the shifts in the overall media landscape in Kenya. Drawing on a political economy approach to media operations in Kenya, it argues that while there are competing meanings over what constitutes "news values", "editorial independence", and "critical
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media", changes in political regimes and unclear media regulations contribute to political and/or corporate interference on media coverage of corruption and political impunity. This renders media operations problematic at the normative and operational levels. The discussion situates these arguments within the contexts of "policy laundering" and "critical junctures", seeking to establish whether the shifting media landscape is a function of increased information and communication affordability or, instead, an indication that critical media are on the decline. Overall, the article provides an assessment of key temporal periods that have shaped media regulatory frameworks to show how political and/or corporate interests have influenced journalistic practices and editorial independence over time and space." (Abstract)
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"El retroceso económico causado por la pandemia no define a la región, sino simplemente acentúa sus características. En otras palabras, en América Latina se han robustecido las razones por las cuales sus pueblos han estado en las calles de sus ciudades, como refleja esta medición 2020 de Latin
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obarómetro, realizada en plena pandemia. Los resultados muestran que no hay ilusión, no se ha disipado el malestar anterior, sino que parece reafirmarse la decisión de no ceder en la demanda de una vida mejor. En este escenario, todas las demandas se vuelven más inelásticas. La pandemia puso en el celular de cada persona, las redes sociales y a través de las pantallas de la televisión, la imagen del mundo, como viven y son tratados los ciudadanos en otras partes del planeta. Se universalizó la demanda de “¡Dignidad Ya!”. El aumento de la conexión de Internet produce una revolución social al enseñarle al más analfabeto de los ciudadanos de la región, que lo tratan mal, que es discriminado, que tiene derechos y que puede reclamarlos. En ese sentido, la pandemia termina siendo una lección de humanidad y de democracia, del derecho a ser tratado como igual, toda vez que cada persona observa cómo funcionan las sociedades en otras latitudes. Por primera vez masivamente, el ciudadano toma consciencia de su condición y aprende qué hacer con ella." (Página 5-6)
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"Journalism and journalists face a growing range of threats, including violence and harassment; the misuse of defamation and other laws against them, and restrictive measures on freedom of information and expression adopted in response to the Covid-19 crisis. States must ensure a safe and favourable
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environment for journalists to perform their public watchdog function. This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, examines the overall chilling effect of crimes and threats against journalists and explores various regulatory and other measures to counter them." (Abstract)
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"Certain political moments create new possibilities for progress on anticorruption: we call these moments “windows of opportunity.” The actions needed to pass reforms and combat corruption during a window will be highly contingent on the political context and history of how the window opened. In
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-country reformers, whether in government or civil society, are best placed to navigate those dynamics. However, as many international organizations might aim to help them in those moments, it is useful to have an understanding of the types of support—learning-related and otherwise—in-country reformers might need." (Executive summary)
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"The contradiction between the encouraging regulations and increasing awareness on one side and the disappointing reality on the other side leads us in this article to the question, how we can develop a more realistic and effective way to reduce corruption than by this double moral standard of nice
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anticorruption declarations and continuation of corrupt practices.
For faith-based persons and institutions, double morality is not a solution because it undermines the integrity and credibility of a person or institution and is a lack of honesty towards God and society. The authors of this paper are intensively engaged in trainings of Christian entrepreneurs in China. They are seriously searching for solutions to implement their Christian values in their companies, business, family and responsibility in society. Within the Christian Executive MBA (CEMBA) classes, offered by the Kingdom Business College in Beijing and Shenyang in China, the authors started a process to find practical and honest solutions for ethical dilemmas around corruption.
From a Christian perspective, all human beings are sinners because they cannot implement God’s will at every moment. The gap between good intention and real action is the fundamental characteristic of human beings. Otherwise, we human beings would be God where will and action are inseparably united. But Christian faith also teaches us that human beings cannot and must not be perfect. That’s the reason why, especially in Protestant faith, salvation cannot be reached by good action but only by the grace of God. Therefore, liberated from the constant fear of failing vis-à-vis God and being condemned, believers are liberated to try the best to improve ethical behaviour. Human beings remain sinners, but can become “better sinners”. This is the approach we try to develop in this booklet. Corruption cannot be justified. Some people can immediately live without corruption. The others we encourage for an honest, realistic, step-by-step approach to reduce and finally overcome corruption." (Introduction, pages 5-6)
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"Consideration of social norms is a key component missing from many anti-corruption efforts, and we believe this absence partially explains the difficulty the sector has experienced in stimulating lasting behavior change away from corrupt practices. This is particularly true in fragile and conflict-
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affected states. Yet they are often overlooked in efforts to understand why corrupt patterns of behavior (regardless of the form) exist and why they are so resilient to intervention. Social norms are the mutual expectations held by members of a group about the right way to behave in a particular situation. They matter tremendously to the choices an individual makes about how to behave in certain situations because people want to be liked and to belong. We often follow prevailing group behaviors to gain or avoid losing social appreciation, respect, and acceptance. Whether a corrupt act is supported by mutual expectations within a group will influence an individual’s choice to participate in or resist the corrupt practice in a particular context. The desire to belong and behave “correctly” may lead the individual to engage in corruption, even if he or she believes corruption is wrong and that people should act with integrity. The importance of belonging can override contrary attitudes, morals, and even the prospect of legal penalties, particularly in fragile states where uncertainty and insecurity prevail and one’s social connections are key to survival." (Introduction, page 8-9)
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"Morocco is no stranger to the global problem of corruption and the associated lack of public trust in the country’s administration. Public pressure, especially during the Arab Spring, resulted in a constitutional amendment in 2011 and people being given the right of access to information. Citizen
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s now have the right to request non-public information held by the administration, while at the same time public bodies are required to proactively provide citizens with more information. Morocco’s Access to Information Act has been in force since March 2019, however, its adoption has been postponed until 2020." (Introduction)
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"From 2008 to 2010, 3.6 million Brazilians took part in the “Ficha Limpa” movement to impact political corruption by ensuring that anyone who runs for office has a “clean record.” This case study on the combination of a grassroots social movement paired with the Avaaz global web movement’s
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use of social media holds important lessons for civil society. Nonviolent “digital resistance” in Brazil shifted power relations and translated into real-world actions and outcomes." (Abstract)
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