"Fruit de la coopération bilatérale entre la République arabe libyenne et la République de Guinée, la Télévision nationale est née le 14 mai 1977. À cette époque, le petit écran était encore un luxe que beaucoup de pays africains n’arrivaient pas à s’offrir. La coopération multilat
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érale accompagne depuis notre média audiovisuel public, qui est devenu un puissant moyen de communication de masse. Aux côtés du Gouvernement guinéen, la République fédérale d’Allemagne, la France, le Japon, la République populaire de Chine et l’Union européenne, entre autres partenaires, ont aidé la télévision guinéenne à traverser le temps pendant ses quarante premières années. En dépit de ce long parcours, force est de reconnaître qu’il reste encore beaucoup de défis majeurs à relever." (Dos de couverture)
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"Plus d'un demi-siècle après sa création sous Félix Houphouët-Boigny, la RTI a-t-elle atteint l'objectif fixé au départ, renforcer la cohésion sociale, positionner le pays sur la scène internationale et promouvoir le développement ? A-t-elle été un organe de développement souhaité, où
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comme presque partout en Afrique, elle n'a été qu'un ordinaire instrument des pouvoirs politiques de Côte d'Ivoire ? La RTI par certaines émissions a joué un rôle dans l'histoire cinquantenaire et le développement du pays, mais en tant que monopole de l'Etat elle a souvent eu du mal à se soustraire de l'engrenage politique." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Si hay algo que caracteriza a Cristóbal Coronel, y que podría decirse es casi su esencia, es sin duda su incesante y marcada pasión por la radio. Ondas que provocan. Radio Illimani, los Estados y el nacionalismo forma parte de esa envidiable y particular obsesión por lo radiofónico que tiene a
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trapado a este investigador. El relato provocativo que con este texto logra construir, para llevarnos por esa línea de tiempo cercano al siglo de existencia de la radiodifusión en Bolivia y en particular de la Radio Illimani, atraviesa una espesa red de acontecimientos políticos, económicos, sociales, culturales, tecnológicos y desde luego comunicacionales. Más allá del análisis histórico, Coronel deja imaginar tiempos, instantes, situaciones en los que se fue haciendo el medio sonoro estatal. El texto se constituye, no cabe duda, en una referencia obligatoria para quienes deseen conocer la trama del surgimiento de las tecnologías mediáticas y los entornos que se modifican con su llegada. Pero específicamente el contexto de la radio (estatal) en Bolivia." (Prólogo)
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"This thesis operates from the observation that "Decolonising the Mind", i.e. a cultural decolonisation process, was needed after the independence of African countries to support and flesh out political decolonisation. Culture, as shown, played a major role in the mobilisation of support for nationa
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list movements, but after independence nationalist culture was just one among many. In both cases presented here, the most pressing issue after political independence was how to deal with the different identities that had previously existed and were onyl partially cushioned by political and cultural nationalism. Now that the political kingdom had been attained, the different language, cultural and political groups started to ask questions about their place in this kingdom. Although many politicians shared the idea that "once you have a national identity, the question of culture becomes something which flows automatically", it soon turned out to be misguided. Media and education were seen to be the major tools in "decolonising the mind". However, a close analysis of the electronic media in the two cases presented here shows that the policies for promoting national unity in programmes were largely ineffective. Instead, radio programmes, both before and after independence, provided a space to negotiate issues of national identity. This space was sometimes more, sometimes less restricted, but listeners used it as much as they could.
Colonial media had, for all their focus on political control and censorship, accompanied and mediated social change. As described, this happened specifically in cultural programmes, where broadcasters were much freer in their work. However, Northern Rhodesian media were supposed to work as a catalyst to further the process of modernisation, and to help its listeners come to terms with the transition from being 'traditional' to becoming 'modern' Africans. In the Apartheid broadcasting system, culture was used consciously to construct a specific 'ethnic' identity, emphasising cultural traditions of the different language groups. But while the intentions were different, both broadcasting institutions were at the centre of negotiating ideas of tradition and modernity.
Both were also established because there was a need to legitimate the respective political system. Be it the Central African Federation or a 'democratic' "South West Africa/ Namibia", the political models promoted by the authorities could not just be imposed on the people. The radios were established to give reality to these constructs, to make listeners identify with a social, political and cultural space that had been defined by colonial authorities. As shown, colonial ideologies not only surfaced in obvious propaganda programmes but also significantly determined the technical and managerial setup of the stations. While radio infrastructure was formed and reformed to structure that space – by linking three territories with different political and social power structures or, following Apartheid ideology, by assigning each language group their own space according to the homeland system – culturally as well as geographically. As shown, infrastructure mirrored the proposed political models, not just in its technical aspects (i.e., the stations' footprints, transmitting posts and frequencies), but also in management structure. As the Federal Broadcasting Services were subdivided in European and African Services, respectively catering for the whole White or Black population of all three territories, the South West African Broadcasting Corporation separated first Black and White, then subdivided the three Departments in the several language Services, each broadcasting to the designated "homeland". This infrastructure not only formed the whole process of programme production and reception but was also part of it as it imparted ideological considerations. The first order of business for independent countries was therfore to restructure the radio according to the needs of the new nations." (Conclusion, page 274-275)
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"Luthra brings to his history of broadcasting in India more than 50 years of personal involvement, along with documents from the National Archives and correspondence and notes in files at the Directorate General of All India Radio. Emphasis is on the early years because, he says, "very little is now
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remembered of that period," and it is important that those who lived through it recapture it for history. This is a straight chronological account of events and the people who took part in them, with no effort to place the growth of Indian broadcasting in a social or cultural context, but which nevertheless serves as a useful starting place for research. An earlier book along the same lines is by Broadcasting in India (Bombay: Allied Publishers, 1965. 268 pages) by G. C. Awasthy, a former AIR employee." (Eleanor Blum, Frances G. Wilhoit: Mass media bibliography. 3rd ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990 Nr. 697)
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"The author, a former Director-General of All India Radio, has provided an in-depth study of its history and development, an analysis of the organizational structure covering administration, engineering and personnel, and a detailed account of the program services including home, commercial and over
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seas broadcasts and developments in progress. Tables provide specific data on its various aspects. Index." (Eleanor Blum, Frances G. Wilhoit: Mass media bibliography. 3rd ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990 Nr. 499)
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