"The Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM) is a tool for assessing the risks for media pluralism in a given country. The Monitor aims to help policymakers, researchers, and civil society to understand the threat to media pluralism in different media systems through research, analysis and the provision of co
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untry data. The present Monitor has been developed and tested by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), at the European University Institute, and has been funded by the European Union. The CMPF created the prototype of the Monitor and pilot-tested it in 2014 (MPM2014), building on the 2009 Independent Study on Indicators for Media Pluralism in the Member States – Towards a Risk-Based Approach. The results of this second prototype, which was tested in 2015 (MPM2015), are published in this report. During these two rounds of implementation, the CMPF has strengthened the research design of the Monitor, co-ordinated the data collection carried out by national experts, and analysed the results, i.e., it has assessed the risks for media pluralism across EU Member States. This report presents the results and the methodology of the MPM2015 implementation, which measures risks to Media Pluralism in 19 EU countries, namely, Austria, Croatia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, and Sweden." (Executive summary)
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"This document was produced by the IFJ and focuses on the following issues that the media faces in Sri Lanka: The severe economic crisis in the country poses yet another challenge to a media barely recovering from the Covid-19 pandemic; existing issues in the media industry such as poor wages and wo
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rking conditions of media workers rapidly deteriorated; digital security threats and state authorities confiscating and accessing digital equipment belonging to journalists; female journalists at the entry level are almost equally represented in many media institutions; arrests and detention of writers, journalists, whistle-blowers and activists under charges of 'terrorism' using repressive laws; among others." (commbox)
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"[...] The MPM2021 covers, on this occasion, 32 countries, 27 EU and 5 non-EU (Candidate countries) [...] The results of the MPM2021 show an increase in the risk level for all the areas that the Media Pluralism Monitor analyses: Fundamental protection, Market Plurality, Political Independence and So
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cial Inclusiveness. The increase is higher in the Social Inclusiveness and in the Market area; in the last case, causing the shift from the medium to the high risk level for the average of EU + 5." (Conclusions and recommendations, page 145)
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"The findings show a general stagnation or deterioration of media pluralism and media freedom in the four major areas encompassed by the Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM): Basic protection, Market plurality, Political independence and Social inclusiveness. The study comprises the European Union Member S
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tates (UK included, considering the timeframe of the project-the UK left the EU in 2020) as well as in candidate countries, Turkey, and for the first time, an assessment of Albania. The MPM 2020 has confirmed the findings of the previous four rounds of monitoring – showing that none of the countries analysed are free from risks to media pluralism." (https://cmpf.eui.eu/mpm2020-results)
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"Pervasive media censorship in China is often seen as a strictly political issue. Although in past years reporters have had leeway to report on economic issues, the Chinese Party/state has moved to tamp down economic journalism, even arresting those who report on bad economic news. This shift brings
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to the fore an issue long ignored by social scientists – economic censorship. Economic censorship takes place when state-owned enterprises (SOEs) or large private companies pressure the state to censor negative reports or directly pay off media companies to quash such reports in favor of more positive ones. Such economic censorship distorts markets and shifts investor money away from new market entrants and towards large, well-resourced and well-connected SOEs. Using a database of Chinese newspaper articles from 2004 to 2006 and a separate database of newspaper articles, blog posts and micro-blog posts from 2010, and supplemented by secondary sources, this paper examines how media coverage is distorted by censorship and corruption to the benefit of China’s entrenched interests. In particular, I find that private and provincially owned companies receive much more press coverage than do their central government (SASAC) owned equivalents, controlling for a number of factors." (Abstract)
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"This report highlights numerous troubling developments in Turkey’s media landscape. Distrust in the media has reached crisis proportions, with fully 70 percent of Turks viewing the media as dishonest. These doubts have formed the backdrop for rapid shifts in how Turks access political news and in
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formation, as citizens turn toward online outlets and social media platforms that are more independent of government control but are themselves often rife with misinformation. Such changes have created an increasingly fragmented media landscape, in which Turks of different political parties, ages, and regions are consuming news from very different sources. Unfortunately, many of these sources are unreliable, and none enjoys trust across the political spectrum. The political repercussions of these trends will deeply affect both Turkey and its Western allies. Indeed, these same challenges, including distrust of the media and severe political polarization, are afflicting numerous other NATO countries, from Poland to the United States. The growing prevalence of misinformation may further aggravate partisan divides and weaken accountability. Already it has undermined Turkey’s response to the coronavirus pandemic." (Page 16)
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"A hostile takeover of Egypt’s media is under way, leaving the influence on public opinion to be controlled by the state, the secret services and a few wealthy owners loyal to the regime and with close ties to the former president Hosni Mubarak. In a move to gain influence over the State-owned med
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ia, the media giant Egyptian Media group signed several deals with the National Media authority on 20 January 2019 extending its control and increasing the influence of the General Intelligence over the Egyptian media landscape. The coordinated attack on media freedom and pluralism is facilitated by a set of new laws restructuring the media sector in 2018 and by the ongoing pressure on journalists and media workers by the state." (http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/egypt)
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"This rapid literature review will focus on the influence of government communication on the government-media relationship. It does not encompass other avenues through which government is able to affect the media environment such as legislation, public policy and political culture. The role of the p
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ublic media is briefly considered. This rapid literature review was able to find only one study, which examined the role of the government communication on media as part of a broader inquiry on the influence of government communication and public trust in the government of the United States (US) (Liu, Horsley, & Yang, 2012). Liu et al. (2012) found that there was a positive relationship between media interaction and good coverage of the US government. This finding suggests that governments may have an incentive to foster good relations with the media. The other main findings of the review are summarised below: Governments require a positive relationship with the media in order to communicate with the public and build legitimacy for their decisions (OECD, 2016); Media often rely on official government information, especially during war and conflict, and therefore need friendly relations with government to gain access to information (Yuksel, 2013); The engagement between elites, the media and the public is complex and is unlikely to be controlled or dominated by any particular set of actors (Yuksel, 2013); In some countries that were transitioning to democracy, development assistance for media has helped to foster media which is critical of the government, resulting in a tense relationship between media and government (Rub, 1996)" (Summary, page 2)
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"2017 was marred by the assassination, in Malta, of the investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, an event which represented the darkest hour for media freedom and media pluralism in the European Union since the 2015 Charlie Hebdo massacre in France. This crime has profoundly shaken Europe an
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d has had an impact on its image as a bastion of human rights and democratic values. Publishers continued to face significant economic pressures, and 2017 confirmed the decline in the revenues of the press sector and of many local and community newspapers across Europe, a worldwide trend signalling continued job losses in the sector and the lower viability of the media business as organisations struggle to find sustainable business models in the face of digital transformation. The spread of online disinformation and hate speech, including concerns about their impact on elections and referenda in 2016, represented major areas of debate during 2017. States, international institutions, and private enterprises have discussed or adopted measures – both legislative and non-legislative – to address these phenomena, and several of these measures have, in turn, raised concerns about their impact on the freedom of expression and respect for the rule of law. Due to the aforementioned concerns with regard to the economic difficulties faced by publishers, as well as online hate speech and disinformation, 2017 was noteworthy for an increased interest in the analysis of the influence of major online platforms in both public debate and public opinion. Queries over accountability, transparency and the overall effect on democracy in relation to the digital platforms have escalated. In 2017, several stakeholders expressed concerns about such platforms’ use of machine learning and algorithms in personalising news feeds, as well as their use of the end-users’ data for targeted advertising purposes." (Executive summary)
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"Until the state and its aligned media operate in a fair and competitive media market, there will be little space for independent news media to survive, much less make the investments needed to innovate and survive in this raucous, frontier environment. Myanmar has a much smaller overall advertising
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sector than neighboring countries, and audiences are rapidly shifting to digital/mobile platforms. Outside Yangon, ethnic and regional news media, often operating in rural and conflict-filled environments, have little possibility of generating sufficient amounts of market-derived revenue to support their operations. To lose their voices would be to lose the plural, local and diverse voices of an inclusive society. To create a vibrant overall media sector, the government must have the political will to create a vibrant public service media sector. To repeat: at the very least, it should stop competing for revenue against the news media it licenses, regulates, can sue, prosecute and imprison. The Broadcasting Law has provisions for this; the government should embrace them. It must also further develop the legal infrastructure supporting media, including copyright, intellectual property, and online privacy laws. For all the laws governing journalists and journalism, there are few that protect their work product or that support the news media industry and its role in the broader economy." (Conclusion)
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"In Russia, the state controls strategic media (such as national TV), and restricts independent media and the internet through increasingly repressive legislation. However, there is still some scope for media pluralism, with a few outlets openly criticising the authorities." (Page 1)
"The Monitor assesses the risks to media pluralism based on a set of twenty indicators covering a broad notion of media pluralism that encompasses political, cultural, geographical, structural and content related dimensions. All types of media are covered: public service, commercial, community media
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, new media and online platforms. The risks for media pluralism are measured in four different areas: Basic Protection, Market Plurality, Political Independence and Social Inclusiveness. The indicators cover legal, economic and socio-political questions. National experts, composing the MPM network of local teams, provided the data to assess the levels of risk at country level, drafted the country reports, while the CMPF supervised and guaranteed quality and consistency of the data collection and assessed the levels of risk." (Executive summary)
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"This article explores the events leading to the closure of the Zimbabwe Mirror Newspapers Group (ZMNG) in 2007. It narrates how the state in Zimbabwe, through its intelligence arm, the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), covertly took over the privately owned newspaper stable, publishers of th
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e Daily Mirror and Sunday Mirror, leading to the organization’s demise. The article is informed by critical political economy theory, particularly the Propaganda Model and the concept of Social Control in the newsroom, linking Mirrorgate to the narrative of media control by the state in Zimbabwe. Interviews were conducted with key personnel – former Mirror staff members – to collect data. Archival newspaper reports were also analysed to trace the development of Mirrorgate and its consequences on the Mirror’s performance as a media entity. The article also benefits from experiential data accumulated through observation by the author as a former Mirror employee." (Abstract)
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"The independence and pluralism of Bulgaria’s media has eroded steadily over the past decade. The downward spiral in media freedom that threatens to drown public debate on important policy issues is unrestrained since 2006, when the country was ranked 35th on the Reporters Without Borders Index. N
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ine years later, Bulgaria has fallen to 106th place [...] Bulgarian authorities are increasingly employing tools of “soft censorship” to dominate the country’s media and narrow public access to information and informed policy debate. This analysis defines official “soft censorship” or indirect censorship as any of an array of official actions intended to influence media output, short of legal or extra-legal bans, direct censorship of specific content, or physical attacks on media outlets or media practitioners. These indirect forms of censorship include selective media subsidies and partisan allocation of advertising, as well as biased application of regulatory and licensing powers that can influence editorial content and affect media outlets’ viability." (Executive summary)
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"Die Partei Recht und Gerechtigkeit (PiS) änderte nach ihrem Sieg bei den polnischen Parlamentswahlen im Herbst 2015 innerhalb weniger Wochen das Mediengesetz und besetzte die Spitzenpositionen im öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunk neu. Neues Personal gibt es auch bei den Nachrichtensendungen, die be
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reits auf Parteilinie gebracht sind. Die Regierung weist alle Kritik zurück und spricht von einer Entpolitisierung. Die Fakten sprechen eine andere Sprache." (Abstract)
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"While the Turkish media market looks diverse from the outside because of the large numbers of outlets, it is increasingly concentrated in terms of opinion. The Media Ownership Monitor Turkey, carried out with IPS Communication Foundation/ bianet between July and October 2016, shows that the governm
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ent not only openly endangers media pluralism through recent closures of news outlets but that there is much deeper dimension of economic leverage, which allows almost complete control of mass media." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Polens regierende Partei hat Ende 2015 im Eilverfahren den Rundfunkrat entmachtet. Anschließend begann die PiS, wichtige Posten im öffentlichen Rundfunk neu zu besetzen. Kritiker in Polen und anderen EU-Staaten sprechen vom „Ende eines unabhängigen öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks in Polen“
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. Politisch unabhängig war der öffentlich-rechtliche Rundfunk in Polen allerdings auch bisher nicht. Seit zehn Jahren hat jede polnische Regierung den rechtlichen Rahmen bis aufs Äußerste strapaziert, um im Rundfunk eigene Leute unterzubringen. Die neue Regierung hat den Rahmen der Verfassung nun gesprengt." (Abstract)
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"In the field of media development, the public sector is often viewed as a monolithic barrier to the development of independent and sustainable media. Although governments do frequently pervert and capture media sectors in countries around the globe, the enabling conditions under which media can ach
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ieve and maintain independence are nevertheless reliant on institutions of government. Therefore the media development community must rethink its approaches to public sector engagement in more holistic efforts to improve the environment for media systems in emerging and fragile democracies." (Introduction)
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"Unabhängige Medien befinden sich weltweit seit über einem Jahrzehnt in einer tiefen ökonomischen Krise. In Russland kommt massiver politischer Druck hinzu. In den vergangenen zehn Jahren wurden zahlreiche kritische Journalisten und Redakteure entlassen, Fernseh- und Radiosender geschlossen, Zeit
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ungen eingestellt. Der Grund ist immer scheinbar ökonomischer Natur. Tatsächlich aber hat der Staat die Möglichkeiten unabhängiger Finanzierung systematisch eingeschränkt. Wer überleben will, muss loyal zum Kreml sein. Medien, die dies verweigern, werden marginalisiert." (Abstract)
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