"An international team of contributors draw upon global and non-Western traditions to discuss the philosophical origins of ethics and the tension that exists between media institutions, the media market and political/ideological influencers. The chapters then unveil the discrepancies among internati
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onal journalists in abiding by the ethics of the profession and the extent to which media ethics are understood and applied in their local context/environment. Arguing that the legitimacy of ethics comes not from the definition per se, but from the extent to which it leads to social good, the book posits this should be the media’s raison d'être to abide by globally accepted ethical norms in order to serve the common good." (Publisher description)
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"[...] Government and media fuel a cycle of distrust: Nearly one out of every two respondents view government and media as divisive forces in society—48% and 46%, respectively. Furthermore, government leaders and journalists are seen as the least trusted societal leaders today, with less than half
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of respondents trusting either (government leaders at 42% and journalists at 46%) [...] News sources fail to fix their Trust problem: None of the major information sources are trusted as a source of general news and information, with trust in search engines at 59%, followed by traditional media at 57%, owned media at 43% and social media at only 37% [...] Fake news concerns are at an all-time high: Concerns over fake news or false information being used as a weapon is now at an all-time high of 76%." (The Trust 10 at www.edelman.com)
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"The largest-ever analysis of Google’s ad practices on non-English-language websites reveals how the tech giant makes disinformation profitable." (Introduction)
"The proliferation of conspiracy theories surrounding George Soros and the ‘Globalist invasion’ had been concentrated primarily in Eastern Europe, Russia and the United States. However, since Jair Bolsonaro’s presidential victory in Brazil, Soros has become a target of the far-right in the cou
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ntry. On Soros’ 90th Birthday in August 2020, the right-wing group ‘Movement for Conservative Brazil’ (Movimento Brasil Conservador – MBC) launched a campaign called ‘International Day Against George Soros’, aiming to attack the billionaire’s reputation. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how this campaign worked across online platforms as a strategy to popularize the Globalism conspiracy theory in the biggest Latin American country. We aim (1) to map the dynamics of disinformation dissemination across chat apps using hyperlink analysis; and (2) to interpret conspiratorial narratives about George Soros shared on chat apps during the month of his 90th birthday. We collected messages mentioning the anti-Soros campaign in WhatsApp and Telegram public groups and channels to extract hyperlinks and domains. These websites were manually categorized in an effort to analyze which conspiracy theories about George Soros are being disseminated on chat apps in Brazil. Our results suggest an increasing cross-platform dissemination of narratives attacking Soros. This case study illustrates how the rise of a transnationally networked political right has been accompanied by an emerging alternative digital communication infrastructure through which conspiracy theories circulate." (Abstract)
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"In many parts of the Global South, coordinated political disinformation campaigns, rumor, and propaganda have long been a part of the social fabric, even before disinformation has become an area of scholarship in the Global North. The way disinformation manifests in this region, and responses to it
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, can therefore be highly instructive for readers around the world. Through case studies and comparative analyses, the book explores the impact of disinformation in Africa, Latin America, the Arab World and Asia. The chapters in this book discuss the similarities and differences of disinformation in different regions and provide a broad thematic overview of the phenomenon as it manifests across the Global South. After analyzing core concepts, theories and histories from Southern perspectives, contributors explore the experiences of media users and the responses to disinformation by various social actors drawing on examples from a dozen countries." (Publisher description)
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"This literature review examines, specifically, social science work presenting evidence concerning the existence, causes, and effect of online echo chambers and consider what related research can tell about scientific discussions online and how they might shape public understanding of science and th
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e role of science in society." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"This report explores how the Chinese party-state's globally focused propaganda and disinformation capabilities are evolving and increasing in sophistication. Concerningly, this emerging approach by the Chinese party-state to influence international discourse on China, including obfuscating its reco
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rd of human rights violations, is largely flying under the radar of US social media platforms and western policymakers." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"The Media for Democracy Monitor (MDM) assesses the performance of leading news media in mature democracies with regard to the three core dimensions of democracy: freedom, equality, and control. After monitoring 10 countries in 2011, the MDM project expanded to cover the leading news media of 18 dem
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ocracies in 2021. In this book, the most salient results from the MDM were selected to undergo cross-country and longitudinal comparison, searching for patterns and tendencies across countries, with a particular focus on the influence of digitalisation. Some of the key results are the ubiquitousness of the news media’s financial crisis, increasing consumption gaps as younger generations prefer online platforms, and persisting gender inequalities, both in news content and in newsrooms. However, the volume also shows that the reach of news media remains high, the watchdog role and investigative journalism are increasingly relevant in daily practice, and that public service media, in general, continues to play a vital role for democracy. These results have implications for media policies, regulations, and practices to improve news quality and, ultimately, democracy worldwide." (Publisher description)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the current media in Ukraine, including the historical background to the media, media trends and freedoms, languages in the different media, media access and barriers for different groups in the community, audiences and their preferences. It conside
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rs why people use the different types of media and what content they consume. The guide looks at the impact of fake news and misinformation and the role of the media in addressing these. It also considers the role the media is playing in facilitating two-way communication in Ukraine. Finally, it gives an overview of each media sector, including digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication." (Introduction)
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"Despite information disorder being a widespread problem in countries in the Global South, the study of this phenomenon remains dominated by examples, case studies, and models from the Global North. Knowledge about the various manifestations of information disorder, the range of responses, and the s
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uccess rate of interventions to counter the disorder remains fragmented and partial. In order to gain a better understanding of the knowledge gaps and areas where further research is required, as well as to identify opportunities for inter- and intra-regional cooperation, a scoping study of efforts to counter information disorder in the Global South was needed. The project that was subsequently launched had three interconnected objectives: 1. To map the actors currently working to counter information disorder and to identify the frameworks upon which such interventions are based; 2. To learn from current approaches, tools, and methods used to counter information disorder; 3. To gain an overview of the research landscape and to identify key issues and questions for further research. This scoping study provides an overview of key stakeholders and regional networks and a wide overview of approaches, tools, and methods being used currently. On the basis of the information gathered through this scoping, an agenda for further research and areas for intervention has been identified." (Introduction, page 7)
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"This report presents a summary analysis of research on current practices of content moderation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Indonesia, and Kenya, with a specific focus on 'harmful content' such as 'hate speech' and disinformation. The methodology combined desk research with qualitative interviews wit
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h key informants (representatives from local stakeholders). Findings from the country reports indicate that social media platforms, rather than serving as spaces for democratic debate and participatory citizenship, have increased ethnic-driven disinformation and politically motivated hatred, and reinforced the exclusion of marginalised groups. Given the importance of social media platforms, in countries where such tensions have in the past caused real-life violence, addressing the weaknesses of content moderation practices is of the utmost importance to ensure sustainable peace and enduring democracies." (Executive summary)
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"This report highlights the networks, supporters, and the platforms of Islamic State disinformation disseminators, focusing on popular social media platforms as well as encrypted messaging applications. These disinformation networks are creating self-branded media outlets with followers in the tens
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of thousands, and often with innocuous names like “Global Happenings,” “DRIL” and “Media Center,” to evade moderation and takedowns. These same networks use coded language and a codebook of emojis to spread Islamic State “news” to other networks of supporters, who similarly evade moderation. These ‘alternative news outlets’ are trying to outcompete narratives publicized by government officials as well as independent mainstream media and individual journalists – groups that were also heavily targeted by Islamic State." (Publisher description)
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"This strategy, prepared through a consultative process, identifies some approaches and interventions in counter speech in the context of Sri Lanka's socio-political realities. It is meant to help streamline and scale up various efforts already being pursued by different individuals or groups. The f
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ocus is on promoting strategic thinking and strategic communication in deciding when (and if) to respond to problematic speech, and how best to do so. Investing sufficient time in thinking through these early, important steps can help make subsequent material production and dissemination activities more effective." (Executive summary)
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"This guide is intended to provide user-friendly, practical guidance for journalists and newsrooms seeking to understand the Russian “fake news” laws, and how they’ve been applied to local and international press." (Page 1)
"This document is a first introduction for educators, working in and outside of formal schooling, on how to identify, prevent and address conspiracy theories in education settings. It seeks to provide educators with key definitions and essential knowledge to grasp the complexity of the phenomenon an
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d alert learners about the key characteristics and harmful effects of conspiracy theories for a first, immediate response. To support educators in this endeavour, this document outlines strategies to prevent the belief in conspiracy theories as well as to engage with learners who already believe in them." (Back cover)
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"Social media misinformation is widely recognized as a significant and growing global problem. Yet, little is known about how misinformation spreads across broader media ecosystems, particularly in areas with varying internet access and connectivity. Drawing on research in northern Ghana, we seek to
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address this gap. We argue that ‘pavement media’—the everyday communication of current affairs through discussions in marketplaces, places of worship, bars, and the like and through a range of non-conversational and visual practices such as songs, sermons, and graffiti—is a key link in a broader media ecosystem. Vibrant pavement and traditional media allow for information from social media to quickly cross into offline spaces, creating a distinction not of the connected and disconnected but of first-hand and indirect social media users. This paper sets out how social, traditional, and pavement media form a complex and deeply gendered and socio-economically stratified media ecosystem and investigates its implications for how citizens differentially encounter, process, and respond to misinformation. Based on the findings, we argue that efforts intended to combat the spread of misinformation need to move beyond the Western-centred conception of what constitutes media and take different local modalities of media access and fact-checking into account." (Abstract)
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"This research identifies an Indonesian-language Twitter disinformation campaign posting pro-government materials on Indonesian governance in Papua, site of a protracted ethno-nationalist, pro-independence insurgency. Curiously, the campaign does not employ common disinformation tactics such as hash
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tag flooding or the posting of clickbait with high engagement potential, nor does it seek to build user profiles that would make the accounts posting this material appear as important participants in a debate over Papua’s status. The campaign simply employs synchronous, duplicate posts by ostensibly distinct authors to ensure that a significant proportion of posts mentioning contentious special autonomy arrangements are pro-government. Despite lacking sophistication, the scale of this information campaign in overall Twitter discussion of special autonomy adds to concerns about the ability of pro-government actors to employ disinformation to constrict political discourse in Southeast Asia." (Abstract)
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"Using survey data from 154,195 respondents in 142 countries, we investigate internet user perceptions of the risks associated with being exposed to misinformation. We find that: 1) The majority of regular internet users globally (58.5%) worry about misinformation, and young and low-income groups ar
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e most likely to be concerned. 2) Risk perception among internet users varies starkly across regions whereby concern is highest in Latin America and the Caribbean (74.2%), and lowest in South Asia (31.2%). 3) Differences are unrelated to the prevalence of misinformation, yet concern is highest in countries with liberal democratic governments. We discuss implications for successful policy and platform interventions." (Abstract)
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"During the monitoring period (February 24 – April 24) the following tendencies have been identified: Out of the 160 false information and manipulative content, mainly disseminated in Russian and Georgian sources, the largest share (49.4%) was directed against Ukraine, followed by disinformation a
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gainst the West (28.1%). Part of the false and manipulative content was aimed at justifying Russia’s actions (16.3%). In order to evade Russia’s responsibility for human casualties, the Kremlin’s propaganda has resorted to the tactic of “whataboutism” – in response to accusations, the Russian side has been arguing that the Ukrainian side was the one killing the civilian population and that the population was endangered not by Russian troops but by the actions of the Azov Battalion and other so-called ‘Nazi groups.’ The denial of Russian responsibility for the military intervention in Ukraine was also bolstered by deliberate disinformation, reinforcing the idea that Ukraine was fabricating information about the victims (Mariupol blogger story, Bucha Massacre). Visual manipulations, including those related to the pandemic, were often used for this purpose [...]" (Key findings)
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"In Thailand, determining what news is true or fake appears to be a political matter. The Thai authorities associate "fake news" with public harm and as a national threat, giving rise to stringent regulatory responses. Official hostility toward "fake news" is influenced by virulent political conflic
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ts that have been played out in off- and online spaces. Since the 2006 coup, various laws to punish those sharing false information and bureaucratic agencies to surveil social media content, have been created. Built on existing legal-bureaucratic tools, the latest anti-fake news regulations will potentially streamline national responses to "fake news" by establishing anti-fake news agencies in every ministry and across 76 governor offices. Such legal-bureaucratic instruments are subject to political misuse through biased identification of false and true information, and discriminatory lawsuits. These are exemplified by the Anti-Fake News Centre whose fact-check system is skewed toward official interpretation of political events, therewith at times dismissing criticisms of the government as false news. In addition, the record of charges against purveyors of "fake news" reveals that opposition politicians and civil society critics are primary targets of the regulatory measures. In contrast, regime-backed cyber troopers who weaponise disinformation against government critics have rarely met the same legal consequences. Political misuse of regulatory measures not only reinforce censorship and autocratic propensities, but also sow public mistrust in official mechanisms to curb disinformation. This sentiment potentially undermines fact-check systems at large, making the public even more vulnerable to disinformation campaigns which genuinely do exist." (Executive summary)
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