"Twenty-four highly accomplished and prominent media scholars representing ten countries provide a survey of international communication, public relations and advertising, implications of globalization, international law and regulation, global culture, propaganda, transnational media, the shifting p
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olitics of media, trends in communication and information technology, and much more. The fourth edition includes six new contributors (Lee B. Artz, Daniela V. Dimitrova, Berna Ackali Gur, Petros Iosifidis, Perry Keller, and Nicholas Nicoli) who cover such issues as politics of global culture, global theories, global law, implications of internet and politics. Other chapters are fully updated to foreground contemporary examples and major events that have impacted our global communication environment. Collectively, new contributions and updated chapters reflect the rapid technological and communications changes that are taking place nationally and globally." (Publisher description)
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"International broadcasting services are typically designed to serve public diplomacy and soft power objectives. Traditionally, Western powers have explored and benefited from this state-sponsored media category. However, countries in the Global South, like Brazil, have endeavoured to establish cros
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s-border television services to bolster their international presence. This paper scrutinizes TV Brasil Internacional as a case study, examining its designated functions, management, and funding models. The research illuminates through document surveys and semi-structured interviews that while the channel initially reflected Brazil’s external policies and public service ideals, structural alterations enabling increased governmental intervention alongside budget cuts rendered the international service dormant." (Abstract)
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"The media space is increasingly becoming yet another battlefield for the Islamic Republic to consolidate its hegemony throughout the Middle East. Iran’s media outreach, particularly in Arabic, is only likely to increase, especially online. Supreme Leader Khamenei is keen to see more activities do
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minating the internet, particularly by youth. For decades, Iran and its proxies worked to create a vast integrated media infrastructure to further the aim of exporting the Islamic Revolution. They have made mistakes along the way, but their persistence has allowed them to learn and correct course. Iran’s media infrastructure can now adapt to changes in the world of communications, and its officials feel confident in innovating new strategies. Only a similarly consistent media effort can counter Iran’s malign messaging machinery. This media effort should start with empirical research on the reach and impact of Iran’s media activity in the region. Based on the findings from this effort, a clear countermessaging strategy should be devised and implemented." (Conclusion)
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"We can see that the number of countries with concentrated foreign media strategies has increased substantially and that their range of activities and strategies is substantial. Also visible is a decline in spending from Western nations (with countries Austria, Canada, and the Neth-erlands severely
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cutting services) while non-Western nations (like Turkey, Qatar, and China) increase their investments. Despite massive financial support from new ECP players, foreign broadcasters are far from a panacea to achieve global influence. In reality, this spending often happens without a dedicated and localized strategy. Indeed, “the risk of expanding initiatives in fields such as international broadcasting and film co-productions with little attention being given to reception contexts of cross-cultural communications is that nation states will be committing significant resources to these cultural initiatives to little tangible effect, as has arguably been occurring with the international expansion of CCTV services by the Chinese government over the last decade, at least in the advanced industrial nations” (Flew 2016, page 291). Even among resurgent powers, strategies vary. Compared to Russia, China employs a more diffuse strategy to increase understanding and improve China’s image, while also limiting the inflow of information. By contrast, Russia mainly targets Western narratives without expending much effort to portray Russia itself in a positive light and has done relatively little to restrict information flow (although it has considered targeting US social media). Turkey’s approach is somewhat of a mix of the two. As countries experiment with different foreign media strategies, we can expect the range of approaches to increase in the coming years, with some countries adopting a “trial and error” method as particular methods succeed or fail." (Pages 12-13)
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"Die vorliegende Evaluation gibt Aufschluss darüber, ob und wie die DW die Ziele aus der Aufgabenplanung 2018–2021 erreicht hat. Detailliert weist sie nach, welche Aktivitäten die DW als Unternehmen durchführte und welche Schwerpunkte sie in den inzwischen 32 Sprachangeboten setzte. Mithilfe um
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fangreicher Nutzungszahlen und zahlreicher Studien zur Akzeptanz und Wirkung in der Zielgruppe zeigt sie sowohl Erfolge als auch Potentiale in den Zielmärkten auf. Damit ist die Evaluation zugleich eine Grundlage für die Aufgabenplanung 2022–2025. Die Ergebnisse der Evaluation sind äußerst erfreulich: Die DW ist relevanter und beliebter denn je. Und auch im Inland erfuhr sie im Zeitraum der zurückliegenden Aufgabenplanung hohen Rückhalt. Der Deutsche Bundestag und die Bundesregierung unterstützten die gewachsene Bedeutung des Auslandsrundfunks für die Vermittlung deutscher und europäischer Perspektiven in den Zielregionen mit einem deutlich gesteigerten Etat. Er erlaubte es der DW, zahlreiche Maßnahmen zur Weiterentwicklung ihrer Angebote umzusetzen und so zukunftsfähig zu bleiben. Mit neuen, innovativen Formaten ging sie differenziert auf die Bedürfnisse der Zielgruppe ein, selbst in schwierigen Marktbedingungen. Dabei gelang es der DW, ihr Angebot zu diversifizieren, vor allem vor dem Hintergrund der weltweit dynamischen Digitalisierung. Die Berichterstattung aus den Regionen stärkte sie durch neue Standorte und Kooperationen." (Vorwort, Seite 9)
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"China’s efforts to use state media as a means to increase its soft power around the world have raised concerns in many quarters. With much fanfare in late 2016, China relaunched its global television network, formerly known as China Central Television, as a new global media brand, the China Globa
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l Television Network (CGTN). Despite extensive investment and active support from the highest levels of government, including President Xi Jinping, CGTN has had limited success in improving China’s international soft power standing. For many Western observers, it is CGTN’s association with the Chinese party-state which limits its ability to shape and influence the global discourse. However, it is CGTN’s internal organisational structure and culture which really inhibits its effectiveness as a soft power tool." (Abstract)
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"How do journalists working for different state-funded international news organizations legitimize their relationship to the governments which support them? In what circumstances might such journalists resist the diplomatic strategies of their funding states? We address these questions through a com
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parative study of journalists working for international news organizations funded by the Chinese, US, UK and Qatari governments. Using 52 interviews with journalists covering humanitarian issues, we explain how they minimized tensions between their diplomatic role and dominant norms of journalistic autonomy by drawing on three – broadly shared – legitimizing narratives, involving different kinds of boundary-work. In the first ‘exclusionary’ narrative, journalists differentiated their ‘truthful’ news reporting from the ‘false’ state ‘propaganda’ of a common Other, the Russian-funded network, RT. In the second ‘fuzzifying’ narrative, journalists deployed the ambiguous notion of ‘soft power’ as an ambivalent ‘boundary concept’, to defuse conflicts between journalistic and diplomatic agendas. In the final ‘inversion’ narrative, journalists argued that, paradoxically, their dependence on funding states gave them greater ‘operational autonomy’. Even when journalists did resist their funding states, this was hidden or partial, and prompted less by journalists’ concerns about the political effects of their work, than by serious threats to their personal cultural capital." (Abstract)
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"Brings together diverse issues and expert perspectives of twenty-two notable and accomplished communication scholars, representing eight countries around the world. Together they discuss international communication, public relations and advertising, cultural implications of globalization, internati
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onal law and regulation, transnational media, the shifting politics of media, trends in communication and information technology, and much more. The Third Edition is fully updated to reflect major events that have impacted our global communication environment. Three new chapters on “global journalism” and “gender, ethnicity, and religion,” and “Shifting Politics in Global Media and Communication” have been added to make this volume more comprehensive." (Publisher description)
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"Reflecting the remarkable changes in the world of propaganda due to the increasing use of social media, this updated Seventh Edition provides a systematic introduction to the increasingly complex world of propaganda. Viewing propaganda as a form of communication, the authors help you understand inf
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ormation and persuasion so you can understand the characteristics of propaganda and how it works as a communication process. Providing provocative case studies and fascinating examples of the use of propaganda from ancient times up through the present day, Propaganda and Persuasion provides an original model that helps you analyze the instances of propaganda and persuasion you encounter in everyday life." (Publisher description)
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"This article examines the relationship between journalism in Africa and foreign investment in the African media space through an analysis of newsroom practices and the power relations that inform such practices in Chinese media organisations based in Africa. It illustrates the discrepancies between
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China's promise of mutuality and equality and the lived experiences of African journalists working in Chinese media organisations such as CGTN, Xinhua News Agency and China Daily newspaper. The article draws on the routine and organisation levels of Shoemaker and Reese's hierarchy of influences model and interviews with African journalists working in the three Chinese media organisations based in Nairobi, Kenya. The findings indicate that an African and a Chinese level of gatekeeping and journalistic agency exist within Chinese media organisations based in Africa. Even though these levels co-exist, the Chinese levels are dominant over the African." (Abstract)
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"Amid civil war, failing states, and terrorism, Arab liberals are growing in numbers and influence. Advocating a culture of equity, tolerance, good governance, and the rule of law, they work through some of the region's largest media outlets to spread their ideals within the culture. Broadcasting Ch
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ange analyzes this trend by portraying the intersection of media and politics in two Arab countries with seismic impact on the region and beyond. Through TV talk shows, drama, and comedy, local liberals play off the government's anti-Islamist agenda to more thoughtfully advocate religious reform." (Back cover)
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"As part of China’s ‘going out’ strategy, China is using its media to promote its views and vision to the wider world and to counter negative images in the US-dominated international media. China’s Media Go Global, the first edited collection on this subject, evaluates how the unprecedented
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expansion of Chinese media and communications is changing the global media landscape and the role of China within it. Each chapter examines a different dimension of Chinese media’s globalization, from newspapers, radio, film and television, to social media and journalism cultures and practices. Topics include the rise of Chinese news networks, China Daily as an instrument of China’s public diplomacy and the discussion around the growth of China’s state media in Africa. Other chapters discuss entertainment television, financial media and the advertising market in China." (Publisher description)
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"Der erste Teil geht auf die Anfänge des Auslandsrundfunks in Europa Ende der 1920er-Jahre sowie auf seine Rolle während des Zweiten Weltkriegs ein. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird anschließend die komplexe Gründungsgeschichte der DW nach 1945 dargestellt. Der zweite Teil des Buches beschäftigt sic
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h mit dem Selbstverständnis und der Außenwahrnehmung der Rolle des Senders im Kalten Krieg. Und im dritten Teil geht es um die Neuorientierung der DW nach der Wende: Der Sender übernahm den ehemaligen Auslandsrundfunk der DDR, die Fernsehsparte sowie zahlreiche Mitarbeiter von RIAS und auch die Fremdsprachendredaktionen des »Deutschlandfunks«. Doch weder der technische und personelle Ausbau noch das neue DW-GeSetz konnten die Frage nach einer neuen Rollenbestimmung des deutschen Auslandsrundfunks befriedigend beantworten. 60 Jahre nach seiner Gründung ist die Existenz des Senders immer noch nicht selbstverständlich und wird stets aufs Neue debattiert. Durch das Aufbrechen alter Ost-West-Konfliktlinien und durch die Entstehung globaler kultureller Konflikte in den vergangenen Jahren ist die Frage nach der Funktion und der Bedeutung des Auslandsrundfunks wieder sehr aktuell." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This volume brings together scholars from different disciplines and nations to examine and assess the effectiveness of China's soft power initiatives in Africa. It throws light not only on China's engagement with Africa but also on how China's increasing influence is received in the African media."
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(Publisher description)
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"China is changing Africa’s media sphere. The country supports African broadcasters with loans, training, and exchange programmes and has set up its own media operations on the continent, creating an African arm of the state-run broadcaster CCTV and expanding existing initiatives, such as the stat
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e news agency Xinhua. In the telecommunications market China is helping national governments, both democratic and authoritarian, to expand access to the Internet and mobile telephony, and it offers export credits to Chinese companies willing to invest in African markets. For China, media expansion in Africa is a part of its “Going Out” and “soft power” strategies to extend the country’s influence in new sectors and locations. Yet for some this process represents a move in an “information war” in terms of which Chinese-built telecommunications infrastructure is a cybersecurity concern and the tendency of Chinese media to promote “positive reporting” is a threat to independent watchdog journalism." (Summary)
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"The communist government’s diaspora engagement policy in the Xi era represents a departure from tradition. Not only is it a very non-ideological policy, but it is also based on Xi’s vision of public diplomacy— indigenizing public diplomacy approaches and instruments to accommodate the needs a
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nd interests of foreign audiences. These new diaspora engagement policies reflect the new communist leaders’ well-informed and realistic appraisal of the international environment and their new foreign strategy—prudent projection of Chinese hard power along with active wielding of Chinese soft power. In addition, through these new engagement policies, the Chinese diaspora can play more versatile and important roles in China’s rising public diplomacy." (Conclusions, page 18)
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