"Assumptions about the role of call-in programmes as open spaces for pubic engagement and accountability often fail to account for the influence of existing power structures and multiple publics engaging in these programmes for a variety of reasons. Furthermore, the history of call-in programmes rev
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eals that the nature of the medium itself can restrict participation in ways that have not been considered in the literature on media and development in Africa. As this article has argued, radio call-in shows are dynamic spaces where journalists, audiences and public authorities contribute to shaping the public debate, negotiate and renegotiate their roles, and assert and transform the networks of power that link them together. While these spaces have been hailed by academics, NGOs and donors as tools to promote institutional accountability and democratic participation, our analysis shows that they do not simply offer a new platform for citizens to speak up; they also offer a way for existing power structures to reproduce themselves in new forms. This analysis has demonstrated that motivations for calling in are diverse and reflect the multiple actors who call in, many of whom are not seeking to hold authority to account but rather to build their own reputation and social capital. These radio call-in programmes can take on different forms and be influenced by different structural, political and social factors. They are also invested with different degrees of politicisation by the audience." (Conclusion, page 1521-1522)
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"This policy briefing offers an empirical contribution to evolving thinking on governance within the international development landscape. Using the example of media, we argue that interventions designed to foster demand-based accountability may not be as successful in some fragile settings as more d
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iscursive platforms that aim to tackle problem-solving collectively. The paper thus underscores the need for locally embedded approaches to governance support that are both adaptive and reflective." (Conclusions)
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"The paper synthesises findings from quantitative and qualitative data from across African, Asian and Middle Eastern countries. The second section draws on baseline data from Bangladesh, Burma, Kenya, Nepal, Nigeria, Palestinian Territories and Sierra Leone to explore the media and governance contex
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ts in the countries where we work. The third part then summarises what we are learning about who is being reached by BBC Media Action interventions. The fourth section, firstly, reports regression analysis conducted on baseline data from Sierra Leone and midline data from Kenya to build up evidence on the impact of debate and discussion programmes on audiences’ political knowledge and participation. Then findings are presented from a qualitative study assessing how Nigerian drama Story Story is promoting dialogue as a means of reducing conflict. Comparing findings across countries is helping us to learn more about the governance and media contexts in which we work and inform programming. A first glance at key governance outcomes across countries attests to the centrality of country context in shaping how political knowledge, discursive participation, political participation and interest in politics relate to each other. Disaggregating these outcomes by demographic variables underlines the importance of gender in structuring them, with women reporting lower levels of political knowledge and interest in politics, and discussing and participating in politics less than men. However, disaggregating political participation by income reveals less consistent results: in Nigeria and Bangladesh, those with more resources are more likely to participate, whereas in Kenya and Sierra Leone, those with more resources and less likely to participate." (Executive summary)
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"This chapter explains the innovative social change strategies that civil society stakeholders, exploring the appropriation and development of information and communications technology (ICT) tools and techniques for the empowerment of ordinary citizens, have sought to develop and carry out in practi
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ce. The chapter addresses the communicative dimension of ICT and social accountability. It looks at a new generation of social accountability practices that through their creation of a solid evidence base seek to facilitate citizens’ direct forms of interaction with public service providers and government officials. The chapter demonstrates that social accountability mechanisms indeed constitute intentional processes of communication for social change and are beneficially studied empirically by the dominant methodological approaches of the communication for social change (C4SC) discipline." (Summary)
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"The purpose of the study is to provide baseline data and research-driven recommendations to help inform and later evaluate the impact of ‘Action for Transparency’. Action for Transparency is a three-year, media-for-development programme, managed by Fojo and its partners and funded by the Swedis
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h International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). The programme is designed to help tackle corruption and mismanagement of government funds in Zambia and Uganda by putting the power to change in the hands of citizens. Action for Transparency comprises three phases of targeted interventions designed to catalyse a culture of accountability and transparency through a ripple out effect. The three phases include: 1. Training for up to 4,000 journalists, civil society representatives and public sector employees in Zambia and Uganda on how to access, analyse and communicate information on government spending. 2. Development of ICT tools, including an online application (app) which enables users to compare the amount of government money pledged to specific schools and health clinics against their own observations of what appears to have been spent. 3. Public awareness campaign, through which those who took part in the initial training will launch and champion the new ICT tools, nationally, and raise awareness through a range of promotional activities. This study presents baseline data and findings that will inform and later help evaluate the overall3 impact of the three phases on participating journalists and civil society representatives, and their capacity to (a) access (b) analyse and (c) communicate information about government spending." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The Cambodian Communications Assistance Project (CCAP) is a sub-national governance project, working with four provincial departments of information (PDI) – Battambang, Kampong Cham, Kampot and Siem Reap. It started in May 2012 and is due to be completed in December 2014. The project, with a budg
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et of $3,554,662 is funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and is implemented by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s International Development department (ABC ID) in partnership with the Cambodian Ministry of Information as well as the four provincial departments. The Department of Media and Communications (DMC) at the Royal University of Phnom Penh has also been a partner in the project [...] Overall, CCAP has been very successful in meeting the three objectives and outcomes set for the project and contributing to Australian Aid’s overall objectives. There have been a number of challenges it has had to overcome including the coinciding of the project with a turbulent time in Cambodia’s political environment as well as capacity limitations of counterparts and varying degrees of hesitancy and suspicion on the part of some senior provincial officials." (Executive summary, page 3-5)
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"This paper focuses attention on randomised field experiments in the developing world that explicitly address the use of media to achieve democracy and governance (DG) outcomes [...] The first section describes the growth of DG assistance and the increasing interest in DG field experiments. The seco
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nd section describes the domain of media assistance targeted at DG outcomes. The third provides an overview of current experimental and quasi-experimental studies on the intersection between media, democracy and governance. The fourth and fifth sections describe some of the challenges to successfully employing field experiments to inform media assistance programmes. The final section concludes by arguing for the benefits of practitioner-academic collaborations that provide experimental evidence about the influences on as well as the effects of media content related to democracy and governance." (Page 4)
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"Cambodia Communications Assistance Project (CCAP) is a two-year initiative (2012-2013) funded by Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) to contribute to the development of the media in Cambodia. The project is in its initial stage and is being implemented by ABC ID, in collaborati
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on with three Cambodian Government Provincial Departments of Information (PDI) in Battambang, Kampong Cham and Kampot, and the Department of Media and Communication (DMC) at Royal University of Phnom Penh (RUPP). The objective of this research is to provide baseline measures and understanding of the current state of the media in Cambodia, with a particular focus on PDI in Battambang, Kampong Cham and Kampot. These measures will help track progress of the project outcomes and impact over the project lifetime and provide a clearly defined scope for the Cambodia Communication Assistance Project. The research design uses a mixed methods approach with focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and survey questionnaires for PDI staff and directors. This report examines understanding of governance issues within an audience and PDI context and assesses the capacity level of PDI staff and directors. More specifically it seeks to gain knowledge and perceptions on audience understanding of governance, transparency and accountability issues, and to determine audience perceptions on PDI content and issues concerning voice, transparency and accountability. It also assesses PDI knowledge on governance issues and skill development needs at the three targeted provinces. The findings are summarised into three key areas: understanding of governance and audience context from different perspectives; reflections on media environment; and PDI capacity needs assessment. Finally, key considerations are outlined to inform PDI activities and programs related to governance including both training and content activities which can be supported by CCAP." (Executive summary)
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"The starting point of PPTRP has been that real and lasting transparency and accountability are best built from the ground up piece by piece and by ordinary people taking their responsibilities as citizens seriously. It is one of the reasons we subtitled the project and website “Pera Natin ‘to!
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(It’s Our Money!). We wanted to help build public ownership in the issue. Our concern was – and remains still today – that changes introduced at the top by one administration – can so easily be taken away by another unless that change is deeply rooted in the ground and in its people. So we believed- and still believe – that real sustainable change in governance comes only from active and continual participation of citizens. It needs action and engagement at both the national and local level. It needs groups, sectors and communities finding new ways of coming and working together to develop new ideas and build new constituencies and avenues for change. It needs to involve and energise all those hundreds of thousands of honest and professional civil servants across the country who for way too long have quietly despaired going to work each day given the failure of leadership in their own departments and agencies.
All this required and still requires a combined response that uses new thinking and approaches. It required first and foremost the start of a public literacy campaign around public finances since citizens cannot ever hope to adequately monitor or engage in things that they don’t understand. So it was that we built our project equally around information, education, training, capacity building, networking, advocacy and campaigns. So it was that we worked with people’s organizations, civil society groups, media and ordinary members of the public at one and the same time. We figured that everybody had a role to play in building and securing transparency and accountability – and so everybody should get involved.
We started work on a website full of the basics – (www.transparencyreporting.net) accessible and easy to understand information about all aspects of public finance. We assumed little – partly because we knew little ourselves and were learning on the job as we went. We wrote, commissioned and edited material designed to give readers a sense of understanding about how public finances, systems and cycles worked and what kind of issues and problems there were. We tried to identify how and where money was raised and how it was allocated and spent and why and by whom. Invariably it comes down to money. If you can follow the money, you can find the problems and perhaps even help suggest some solutions.
We developed training modules too – modules aimed equally at journalists and activists and ordinary members of the public. And we toured around the Philippines going north and as far south as Tawi-Tawi where we were told few groups ever venture. We encouraged people to report allegations of corruption – but equally we sought out instances of where government was working well and deserved highlighting. It is easy to be negative – but far better to be critically constructive. We received many more allegations than we could investigate – in large part because sources were scared even to follow up and meet with us in confidence. Protection for whistle-blowers remains very much a pressing issue today that needs sorting ...
While all projects must by necessity always remain above the political fray, we were naturally delighted that as things turned out, the new incoming administration made improving transparency and accountability a primary goal. When an initiative finds itself working in support of government policy, it is always easier. So we were delighted to see the issue of political abuse of public projects taken up as were the appointment of some leading proponents of open government to key positions in the administration. We were very fortunate also for the chance to work closely with officials in several key departments and on various initiatives linked to the national budget.
[...] Perhaps one key achievement we might be remembered for, alongside the website which will remain as hopefully a useful resource for those wanting to learn more about public sector finances -- is having set up four local citizen watchdog groups that demonstrate how easy and important it is for ordinary people to get involved and play their part. We hope more groups can follow their lead. People power needs to be much more than a slogan and become a way of life." (Introduction, page 16-19)
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"A National Conversation' is a 5-year project funded by DFID's Governance and Transparency Fund (GTF) delivered by the BBC World Service Trust (BBC WST). Its purpose is to 'enhance media's capacity to cover governance issues by increasing transparency, accountability and citizen participation in med
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ia'. It covers Angola, Sierra Leone and Tanzania, has a total budget of £5 million and runs from 2008 to 2013. This mid-term review, by independent media consultant Mary Myers, finds that the quality of the work has been good and the progress to date has been fairly good. The BBC WST has taken on an ambitious task and is delivering an innovative and, at times, highly sensitive project with commitment, hard work, attention to high standards and efficiency. In terms of progress against the log-frame indicators, many of the objectives are in line to be achieved by the end of the project, despite a few short-comings. The project is particularly strong on media development and co-productions with partner broadcasters. The training and mentoring work done so far is probably the element showing the biggest impact at this stage. Some other objectives have only partially been achieved and benefits and shortcomings are finely balanced. This applies particularly to the research side of the project." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"This paper was prepared primarily for internal use by DFID Effective States Team as part of a wider stocktake on accountability. Sections 8-10 were commissioned from a consultant, Mary Myers. The paper is draft only, and does not represent the official position of DFID on media / information / acco
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untability, and DFID does not necessarily subsrcibe to any views or opinions expressed herein." (Page 1)
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