"[...] el libro propone un diálogo a partir de tres categorías, a saber: 1) las limitaciones al acceso a la información y sus impactos en la vida política; 2) el régimen jurídico de la comunicación; y 3) los medios de comunicación y la representación política. Esta perspectiva, nos ayuda a
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fundamentar un estado de la discusión al tiempo en que vislumbramos una reflexión posicional que contribuye al análisis comparado del caso latinoamericano." (Introducción, página 15)
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"Utilizing a constellation of conceptual tenets drawn from critical digital technology theory, field theory and concepts of digital democracy, this article argues that the post-coup period in Zimbabwe has solidified digital journalism practices in three main ways. These are: (i) the consolidation of
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a digital leak journalism culture, (ii) an increasingly ferocious form of digital guerrilla journalism, and (iii) the rise in popularity, of small digital-based news platforms that, arguably, are increasingly eclipsing already established mainstream (digital) news platforms as sources of news. These practices’ nascent roots have their genesis in the early 2000 period. In the post-coup context, they have assumed a new and wider meaning, and have become part of the mainstream. This solidification of digital journalism practices has consequently enabled journalists to “speak back” to power by providing robust forms of investigative journalism, and simultaneously avoiding being ‘swallowed’ by the state. While we admit to various gradations of digital journalism practices before the coup, we use the coup as our point of departure in order to factor in the incrementally disruptive and repressive political environment that has forced journalists to adopt digital journalism practices more than in any period of the country’s history." (Abstract)
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"The media sector in Moldova is diverse. Dogged investigative reporting plays a vital role in public life. However, the legal framework governing the sector is unstable and underdeveloped. In 2020, much of the country’s political class treated the independent press with hostility, viewing journali
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sts as obstacles to rather than partners in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. Financial sustainability continues to elude the sector. Many outlets are captured by and serve as mouthpieces for political interests, and the fallout of the pandemic has exacerbated the precarity experienced by the independent press." (Executive summary)
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"[...] The MPM2021 covers, on this occasion, 32 countries, 27 EU and 5 non-EU (Candidate countries) [...] The results of the MPM2021 show an increase in the risk level for all the areas that the Media Pluralism Monitor analyses: Fundamental protection, Market Plurality, Political Independence and So
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cial Inclusiveness. The increase is higher in the Social Inclusiveness and in the Market area; in the last case, causing the shift from the medium to the high risk level for the average of EU + 5." (Conclusions and recommendations, page 145)
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"India ranks 140th among 180 countries worldwide in the World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), according to the 2019 report by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In 2018, India was 138th in the same index and 136th in 2016. For the media of the world's largest democracy, this is disconcerting. The slide in
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the country's press freedom ranking is indicative of a complex and hostile social, political, and economic environment pushing at the boundaries of media that is struggling to perform independently as the fourth estate. This chapter takes a critical look at imminent threats to freedom of speech and expression faced by the Indian media in the contemporary situation. The first objective of the chapter is to identify diverse threats to the Indian media, specifically journalism. The second objective is to trace both immediate as well as distal factors that breed hostility towards the media, with a focus on press laws and constitutional provisions in India." (Abstract)
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"This study aims to examine the impacts of secular nationalist and Islamic-based populist communication strategies advanced by Jokowi and Prabowo on the Indonesian media and journalists' freedoms during the presidential elections of 2019. To address this topic, this study uses the qualitative method
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s of document review and in-depth interview of four senior editors of Indonesian news channels including Kompas TV, CNN Indonesia, TV one and INews TV. This study uses thematic analysis to analyse the qualitative data." (Abstract)
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"This paper attempts to have insight into the media landscape of Balochistan and issues too. Balochistan is considered to be a conflict zone due to many religious and ethnic issues. The safety of journalists and media workers are a prime concern for journalistic bodies and government. The violence's
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against journalists leads them to self-censorship, and it has limited the topics and geographical access covered by media. National media is working as bureau offices only; Bureau Chiefs of the media outlet are working as reporters. Balochistan and issues related to Balochistan are wipeouts from national media, and it has brought a sense of deprivation among people of Balochistan. Less coverage to Balochistan is one of the threatening elements for journalists, and different pressure groups have threatened journalists and few even killed." (Abstract)
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"The findings show a general stagnation or deterioration of media pluralism and media freedom in the four major areas encompassed by the Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM): Basic protection, Market plurality, Political independence and Social inclusiveness. The study comprises the European Union Member S
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tates (UK included, considering the timeframe of the project-the UK left the EU in 2020) as well as in candidate countries, Turkey, and for the first time, an assessment of Albania. The MPM 2020 has confirmed the findings of the previous four rounds of monitoring – showing that none of the countries analysed are free from risks to media pluralism." (https://cmpf.eui.eu/mpm2020-results)
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"Most adult Namibians own mobile phones (88%) and radios (67%). Four in 10 (40%) own television sets, and one in four (25%) own computers. Daily Internet use has multiplied over the past decade, increasing from 5% in 2008 to 28% in 2019. But more than four in 10 Namibians (44%) still “never” use
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the Internet. The most common source of daily news for Namibians is the radio (62%), followed by TV (40%), the Internet (27%), social media (27%), and newspapers (23%). Among the three-fourths (76%) of adult Namibians who have heard of social media, half (51%) see its effects on society as positive, while one-fourth (24%) see them as negative. Social media users are most frequently blamed as sources of false (fake) news (by 67% of respondents), followed by journalists (62%) and politicians (60%). Eight out of 10 Namibians regard the country’s news media as “completely free” (47%) or “somewhat free” (33%). But a majority (56%) think the government should have the right to prevent publications it disapproves of – more than twice as many as a decade ago. Moreover, majorities say the government should be able to limit or prohibit the sharing of false news (64%), of information or opinions that it disapproves of (54%) or that criticize or insult the president (62%), and of hate speech (62%). Yet more than half (55%) of citizens say that unrestricted access to the Internet and social media should be protected." (Key findings)
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"The aim of this chapter is to describe Mexican journalists' responses to constant threats and aggressions. In doing so, it draws on 93 semi-structured interviews conducted in 23 of the most violent states of the country. The results indicate that violence against news workers has a twofold set of i
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mplications for the practice of professional journalism: On the one hand, constant attacks on media staff have promoted the development of a more elaborated journalistic performance, based upon factual reporting, diversification of sources, collaborative coverage, and the creation of journalists' associations. On the other hand, however, in many cases the same situation has also inhibited reporters' and newsrooms' jobs by forcing them to self-censorship and the dependence on government official versions of sensitive issues such as crime news or corruption, amongst other passive routines. The simultaneous coexistence of both outcomes provides evidence of the operation of multiple journalisms within the Mexican media system." (Abstract)
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"The relevance of new digital media in Egypt had increased in the past 15 years. Many scholars and commentators attribute the Tahrir Revolution in 2011 directly to the rise of the Internet, as it was widely called Facebook Revolution. However, the article maintains that this is a simplified view of
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the events and interactions between media, politics and the online sphere. While the semi-liberal phase in the mid-2000s and the new technologies led to a vibrant blogosphere and opened up online spaces for otherwise marginalized voices, it took real grievances and real activism on the ground that interacted together. Since 2015, there are increasing signs of controlling the Internet: zero toleration policies towards dissent and criticism have marked the years through increased police control and imprisoning journalists, as well as takeover of all semi-independent media outlets and use of online surveillance technologies. Currently, more than 500 websites and news media are banned within Egypt [...] In addition to the restrictions, the professional media scene faces numerous crises: one of which is the erosion of the economic viability of media in times of a massive journalism crisis. Another crisis is the declining professionalism and reproduction of loyalist and propagandistic practices due to self-censorship and clientelist practices within a highly restrictive environment. These developments fragment the professional community of journalists across numerous political camps and weakens unionizing efforts. Finally, the audiences are increasingly pushed away from politics. Based on the analysis and challenges, the Egyptian media are heading into the unknown: “death of journalism”, extreme depoliticization of the public sphere and restrictive media environment weaken the media system. Under the current circumstances—and unlike former President Mubarak’s policies—no politician will push for progress and investments in the media sector. The Supreme Media Regulatory Council announced an ambitious digitization plan of the media; no clear agenda is seen, except tightening control and advancing loyalist media." (Abstract)
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