"1. Los noticiarios y los programas matinales, le otorgaron más del 10% de su tiempo a temas relacionados con el plebiscito y la nueva constitución. De este modo, los matinales fueron los programas no temáticos que más tiempo le dedicaron a estos temas. 2. Hubo equilibrio en el tiempo otorgado p
...
or la TV a las opciones Apruebo y Rechazo. 3. En algunos casos, especialmente en noticiarios y matinales, la opción Apruebo obtuvo mayor presencia, debido a polémicas coyunturales. Los matinales y noticiarios tienden a cubrir ampliamente las controversias. 4. Las temáticas tratadas fueron principalmente dos: campañas y despliegue de comandos; y en segundo lugar, la discusión sobre propuestas constitucionales. Lo primero se encontró en matinales y noticiarios centrales; lo segundo, en programas temáticos sobre la constitución. 5. En cuanto a voces y actorías, hubo un fuerte desequilibrio de sexo en quienes participaron en matinales y noticiarios. Los programas temáticos, en cambio, lograron una mayor paridad de sexo. 6. Se invisibilizó casi por completo a los pueblos originarios y la sociedad civil. Hubo un 8% de presencia de expertos. En contraste, fueron los políticos quienes tuvieron el mayor tiempo en pantalla (82%, incluyendo en la categoría de "políticos" a los ex-constituyentes). En conclusión, La televisión tiende a entender el pluralismo como equilibrio de ideas, pero no como representación de la diversidad social." (Puntos clave, page 3)
more
"The United Nations-led constitution-making process, while highly controversial, has sought to create an opening to help Somalia transition to a new phase in its political development. This article considers the structural features, problems, and opportunities of the process, particularly in the con
...
text of debates over external interventions and state sovereignty. It also addresses an area that is often overlooked during constitution-making: the role of media and communications in advancing narratives that not only shape perceptions, but also define the scope of the debate. International actors have worked to promote legitimating narratives, emphasizing certain aspects and values with a focus on the constitution being ‘Somali-owned’. This article shows how local and private media treated and reshaped these emphases and priorities. At this stage it is not possible to conclude whether efforts to “sell” the constitution have generated greater legitimacy, but what is clear is that the narratives that have dominated public discourse have been focused on participation and politicking, reflecting underlying concerns about which groups will have access to state resources, as well as responding to the interventions by international actors. This emphasis has obscured the role of local legal cultures and previous experiences with grassroots constitution-making processes and reconciliation in the Somali territories that might allow for the reimagining of the nation." (Abstract)
more
"In the early 1990s, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa’s most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of
...
its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution’s most ambitious goals." (Abstract)
more