"The chapter examines how news coverage of feminist protests in Mexico, one of the most violent countries in the world for women and for journalists, has changed in mainstream Mexican media since the #MeToo movement’s revitalization after 2017. With few exceptions, news coverage in Mexico, a count
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ry in the Global South, has historically emphasized disruptive behavior and the use of violence rather than the grievances of protesters. This trend follows the protest paradigm, which contends that media coverage tends to disparage protesters and hinder their role as political actors. However, the trend in coverage has begun to shift over the past several years, yet minimal scholarly discussions have occurred about temporal and geographical variations in news coverage of feminist mobilizations in Mexico. Given the recent increase in feminist demonstrations and upsurge in violence against women, this chapter provides findings from qualitative content analyses of 1007 news articles from 25 Mexican news media and agencies and assesses how they reported on the annual International Women’s Day marches on March 8 for the 2018–2020 time frame. These analyses concentrate on four dimensions of news coverage that focus on women’s protests: the evolution of topics in the news narrative; the tone of the coverage focusing on demonstrations; source selection; and news frames. The chapter demonstrates that journalists in Mexico have begun to shift away from the typical protest paradigm when covering demonstrations, and that they have moved toward a more assertive framing of women’s demands." (Abstract)
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"Los 63 editoriales analizados confirman que quiénes tienen la posibilidad de hacer uso de la palabra (Ranciere, 2014), a través de las vías institucionales, continúan siendo las élites. Si tuviéramos que contar la historia de lo ocurrido entre el 18 de octubre y hasta el 15 de noviembre del 2
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019, solamente a partir de lo señalado a través de estos textos del diario El Mercurio, lo primero que podríamos señalar es que quiénes emiten palabras son las élites, y quiénes son los destinatarios de dichas palabras transformadas en discursos, son también, mayoritariamente, las élites. En este dominio del discurso que se evidencia, monopolizan también los contenidos, pues aún cuando la macroestructura semántica mayoritaria que se aborda son “las causas del conflicto”, nunca son convocados quiénes manifiestan el malestar inicial. Los subalternos, es decir, la mayor parte de las personas que conforman la sociedad chilena, quedan fuera de esta suerte de intercambio, en tanto no tienen forma de acceder a él, pues no basta con leer estos editoriales, el punto radica en que el medio de comunicación estudiado no considera a los subalternos como su destinatario ni como fuente y, por lo tanto, el tratamiento de la información y la consecuente influencia que se busca generar no está dirigida a este grupo social mayoritario." (Conclusión, página 143-144)
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"El volumen se divide en dos grandes ejes temáticos, en el apartado “Comunicación” aborda procesos de Ecuador, Colombia y Brasil. En el caso ecuatoriano se analiza la cobertura informativa de las protestas que se realizaron en 2019 en Quito y la presencia de indígenas en las manifestaciones p
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ara reflexionar respecto al rol de los medios y evidenciar tendencias en la cobertura informativa de alinearse con un discurso oficial que suele presentar las manifestaciones sociales con un enfoque negativo; en Colombia se analizan los aportes de radios comunitarias en la transmisión de voces de paz y resistencia en el Departamento del Huila, el discurso de la prensa respecto a los actores del conflicto en los medios de comunicación y la manera en que representan a la guerrilla y grupos paramilitares y se analiza la memoria colectiva construida a través de producciones televisivas sobre el conflicto armado; desde Brasil nos encontramos un análisis de las jerarquías del espacio social construido por la narrativa periodística en el desencuentro con la alteridad y la representación de la migración construida predominantemente por el narrador sobre la condición laboral en su precariedad y supuesta amenaza. Para el apartado “Memoria y Paz” se integran trabajos sobre experiencias en cinco países: Ecuador, México, Nicaragua, Brasil y Estados Unidos. De Ecuador se revisa la percepción de violencias y cultura de paz en los jóvenes y las identidades de los jóvenes migrantes a través de sus historias de vida; de México se aborda la educación para la paz mediante la experiencia de talleres de arte con adolescentes, la violencia en la frontera Norte y procesos locales de construcción de paz en Ciudad Juárez y la justicia restaurativa en sus alcances y limitaciones con el cuestionamiento sobre sus posibilidades de aportar a procesos de paz; de Nicaragua se retoman experiencias de mujeres en la construcción de paz y memoria ante el conflicto armado; y desde Brasil se reflexiona sobre la violencia estructural con relación a la condición laboral impuesta por un un modelo económico y social excluyente, que suma desigualdades, radicaliza las tensiones sociales y que lleva a las personas a la ansiedad, estrés y depresión. De este modo,la construcción de paz a lo largo de América Latina, los procesos de memoria y la forma de comunicar las experiencias de lucha y resistencias locales son los ejes que articulan la selección de textos." (Presentación, página 12-13)
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"Los números, videos, historias y relatos no engañan. Los equipos de prensa que trabajaron durante los 18 días del paro nacional, convocado por el movimiento indígena, fueron agredidos desde todos los frentes. Pero, en especial, las agresiones provinieron de los manifestantes, los ciudadanos que
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son, precisamente, para quienes se trabaja la información. Esta realidad puso a los periodistas ante un escenario complejo: arriesgar su integridad o camuflarse para seguir reportando. Esta disyuntiva constituyó en sí una de las peores agresiones contra la prensa: la autocensura." (Página 2)
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"The relationship between journalists and the security forces shows, almost universally, permanent tension. This document explains […] the reasons why both the press and the exercise of journalism, on the one hand, and the existence of the security forces and their action respecting human rights,
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on the other hand, are necessary for the consolidation of democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean. For this reason, it is advanced that the conflicts that arise between them, have a significant impact not only on both institutions, but on democracy itself. […] This publication first answers that question: whether or not both the press and the security forces are essential elements of a democracy. […] This publication only considers situations related to the journalistic coverage of street demonstrations and police action […] and also describes good practices that tend to reduce confrontations between journalists and security forces, since, to put it simply, this can directly benefit the consolidation of democracy." (Introduction, page 7)
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"Recently several European countries shifted to illiberalism and made attempts to dominate the media and political narratives. The question we raise is how media populism in Hungary contributes to the buttressing of the regime by discrediting protests. We offer a four-level media analysis. First, we
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ask whether the pro-government media is characterized by so-called selection bias. Second, we focus on framing bias relying on ideas presented by the protest paradigm. Third, we highlight the tone of disdain that characterizes numerous pro-governmental utterances. Finally, we point out the significance of iconic frames. Contrary to our expectations, we found no selection bias, but there was a clear framing bias in progovernmental media, which was made harsher by the derogatory tone of pro-governmental media and the dog-whistling produced by iconic frames. By identifying how media populism operates, our aim is to offer a way to grasp democratic backsliding by concentrating on the media." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines the practices, performance, and perceptions of the messaging platform Telegram as an actor in the 2020 Belarus protests, using publicly available data from Telegram’s public statements, protest-related Telegram groups, and media coverage. Developing a novel conceptualization o
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f platform actorness, we critically assess Telegram’s role in the protests and examine whether Telegram is seen as playing an active role in Belarusian contentious politics. We find that Telegram’s performance and practices drive citizens to form affective connections to the platform and to perceive Telegram as an ally in their struggle against repressions and digital censorship. Meanwhile, the Belarusian state uses Telegram’s aversion to censorship and content moderation to intervene in contentious politics by co-opting grassroots approaches and mimicking manipulative efforts of other authoritarian regimes. Our conceptual framework is applicable to post-Soviet authoritarian contexts, but can also serve as a useful heuristic for analyzing platform actorness in other regime types." (Abstract)
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"This report leverages social media data to provide real-time measures of how diverse elites have strategically co-opted protest narratives during Lebanon's 2019 October revolution. Social media data provides temporally granular measures of elites' political communication strategies, as well as thei
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r ability to spread their messages and influence online discourse more broadly. Qualitative evidence suggests that Lebanese elites have often engaged in co-optation strategies aimed at undermining and fragmenting opposition movements, including during the 2019 revolution. Twitter data enables us to track elites' shifting strategies systematically, evaluating when and how they pursue co-optation and counter-narrative strategies in real-time." (Introduction, page 2)
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"The movement that mobilized to oppose Alyaksandr Lukashenka in August 2020 was notable for its ability to bridge divisions of social class, geography, age, and identity. Almost uniquely among post-Soviet revolutionary movements, the Belarusians who rose up were not divided from those who did not al
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ong clearly discernible sociodemographic, ethnic, linguistic, or regional lines. They were, however, separated by one very stark barrier: the one separating the country’s two distinct media systems, one controlled by the state, and one independent. Drawing on an original survey conducted in September 2020, just as the protest movement was reaching its peak, this article finds that respondents’ choice of news media was the strongest and most consistent predictor of their political opinions. Media, then, appear to have served not merely as aggregators of and conduits for social processes generated elsewhere, but as the producers of social and political force in their own right." (Abstract)
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"This document looks into the human rights violations committed against two specific groups who play important roles for the enjoyment of the right to peaceful assembly. The first group – public assembly monitors – performs a watchdog function by recording how rigorously the authorities observe
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their human rights obligations in the context of public assemblies. The other group – media workers – ensures that society is informed about public assemblies and concerns that have brought people to the streets, and reports on how the protests have been handled by the authorities. The report documents a pattern of unlawful obstruction of journalists’ and monitors’ work during street protests, and severe reprisals against them including arbitrary arrests, use of unlawful force, detention and heavy fines." (Back cover)
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"Iranian Feminism and Transnational Ethics in Media Discourse explores how U.S. news and social media discourse hierarchies overshadow transnational feminist politics and reinforce femonationalist narratives, thereby unpacking how protesters' voices on the ground are obscured in favor of elite sourc
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es who reaffirm U.S Islamophobia." (Publisher description)
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"Although journalism practice exposes media workers to different levels of occupational hazards, research on the coping strategies is limited. This study made an effort to extend literature in this direction by providing a model that explains the coping strategies of Nigerian journalists who covered
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the 2020 ENDSARS protests in Nigeria. The researchers surveyed a total of 470 journalists who were sampled through a respondent-driven chain referral sampling technique. It was found that journalists who covered the protests faced occupational hazards such as physical attacks, disgrace, threats, trauma, anxiety as well as fear. The coping strategies were found to include seeking social support, selective appearance, self-censorship as well as self-motivation. It was further found that perceived behavioural control significantly moderates the implementation of coping strategies. The researchers explored the implications of these results on theory, practice and scholarship." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the use of social media by individuals during protests in China (Hong Kong), Iraq, Iran, and Lebanon. Method: Surveys in the four countries assess the relationship between people's attitudes toward the protests and their selection bias on social media, manifested through selecti
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ve sharing and selective avoidance. Findings: Regardless of the different political and media systems in each country, social media usage was largely similar. Overall, our findings established that people's attitude strength toward the protests was associated with their selective sharing behavior; those who scored high on supporting the protests were more likely than those who scored high on opposing the protests to share news that supports the protests, and vice versa. As for selective avoidance, social media protest news use emerged as the strongest predictor. The more individuals followed and shared protest news on social media, the more likely they were to engage in selective avoidance by hiding or deleting comments, unfriending or unfollowing people, and blocking or reporting people for posting comments with which they disagreed." (Abstract)
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"The recent barbaric murder of an investigative journalist in Malta who was looking into corruption at the top echelons of power sparked off a civil society movement, Repubblika, spurring ordinary citizens into participating in collective protest action. The movement also incorporated a loose groupi
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ng of women calling themselves ‘Occupy Justice’. Different forms of protest against government corruption have resulted in the resignation of various senior politicians and high-ranking officials, including the Prime Minister. Taking as a point of departure the struggle against the unequal distribution of power as defined by Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière, the empowering force of civil protest is here examined in relation to how power is appropriated and how institutional power is resisted. Micromobilization and mesomobilization are seen as two means of staging protest and creating a common force with which to confront corrupt power structures. Protest, power, and resistance are viewed in the light of theatrical events; the creative means deployed to stage protests are discussed. The aesthetic qualities meant to transform perception and move people to action for bringing about political change are highlighted in relation to both sensory and symbolic dynamics." (Abstract)
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"El panorama de los medios de comunicación han cambiado: de las grandes empresas editoras de periódicos, generalmente propiedad de grupos familiares, a los medios nativos digitales financiados por los propios periodistas o por ONGs gracias a los aportes ciudadanos o iniciativas de recaudación de
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fondos y suscripciones. Este texto dibuja un panorama general de lo que significan los medios digitales y revisa las experiencias de algunos medios de Ecuador, Colombia, Perú y Argentina. En el caso ecuatoriano, se analiza la cobertura de un hecho particular -las movilizaciones de octubre 2019- por parte de tres medios: Wambra EC, La Periódica y el Centro de Medios Virtuales de la Carrera de Comunicación de la Universidad politécnica Salesiana." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"The 20 October 2021 marks the first anniversary of the shooting of unarmed protesters by the Nigerian military. The movement pushing to abolish the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) has proved how social media can make the voices of the weak heard. However, recent developments surrounding social me
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dia regulations in the aftermath of the shooting show that the right to freedom of expression is at risk of regression." (Abstract)
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"Following months of mass antigovernment demonstrations in Belarus, this report widens the focus beyond the protesters and takes stock of the views and preferences of Belarusian citizens at a critical moment. A new ZOiS survey conducted in December 2020 among Belarusians aged between 16 and 64 revea
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ls rare insights into the political and social mood across the country, trust in its institutions, the dynamics of the recent political mobilisation, and the domestic and foreign policy preferences of Belarusian citizens [...] The survey confirms the extent to which the protests were carried by private citizens, rather than organised civil society, trade unions, or churches, which played only peripheral roles. Social and online media dominate society’s news consumption, with over 70 per cent of respondents using these media as their main source of information. Belarusian state television, Russian media, and international media are used as well but are significantly less prominent as primary information sources. Trust in Belarus’s political institutions in general remains weak. Confidence has not eroded completely, but trust in all institutions is on balance negative, with very similar scores for the executive, the legislative, the judiciary, and the security apparatus. In absolute numbers, the opposition Coordination Council and the Orthodox Church are the most trusted institutions." (Executive summary)
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"Als Selfie oder im politischen Prozess, als gleichermaßen fluide wie langlebige Postings, in verstörenden Hassbildern oder als Labor des Feminismus wirken digitale Bilder in je eigenen Kontexten: Menschen inszenieren sich und werden inszeniert, vernetzen und bekämpfen sich, posieren und protesti
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eren, verfremden, ringen um Anerkennung, Deutungshoheiten und Aneignungen. Digitale Bilder brechen Normen auf, spiegeln oder verschleiern Realitäten, sind Propaganda oder Vehikel politischer Veränderungen, spalten Gegner, verbinden Gleichgesinnte oder fungieren als Glutnester von Hass und Menschenfeindlichkeit. Zugleich wirken all diese Formen visualisierter sozialer Handlungen als Katalysatoren gesellschaftlicher Prozesse, die ihrerseits wieder Dynamiken anstoßen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren beleuchten in fünf Beiträgen Formen, Absichten und Wirkungen digitaler Bildkulturen: den Bildprotest, den Screenshot, das Hassbild, den Netzfeminismus und das Selfie." (Buchrücken)
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