"A comunicação, tomada como seara do conhecimento que tangencia a humanidade em todos os seus afazeres, da gestão pública à gestão empresarial, do consumo ao diálogo familiar, das cores às manifestações estabelecidas pelas opções humanas. Neste sentido, este livro intitulado “Media Eff
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ects: ensaios sobre teorias da Comunicação e do Jornalismo”, em seu volume 1, traz trabalhos acadêmicos sobre as teorias do agendamento, do priming e do framing, sobre diferentes olhares e perspectivas." (Resumo)
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"On May 22nd 2014, The Kingdom of Thailand experienced its latest successful military coup. A few months later, in November 2014, The Hunger Games: Mockingjay Part 1 was released in Thai cinemas sparking new protests using symbols from the series. With this article, I seek to examine the reception o
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f The Hunger Games series in Thailand by different interest groups in light of recent political developments. I present a system of shared reference that is based on Jonathan Cohen’s discussions of ‘identification’ and ‘spectatorship’ (2001) to illustrate the relationship between The Hunger Games series in Thailand, pro-democracy protesters, and the military junta. I aim to illuminate how the two opposing sides use and understand references from The Hunger Games as part of their actions in an ongoing tense political climate." (Summary)
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"This edited volume addresses various aspects of social and political development in Turkey and the latter's role within a global context. Paradigmatically and theoretically, it is situated in the realm of communication and/for social change. The chapters thread together to present a fresh and innov
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ative study that explores an array of issues related to the Gezi protests and their aftermath by scholars and activists from Scandinavia, Turkey and India. Through its thorough analysis of the government's repressive policy and the communication strategies of resistance, during the protests as well as in the dramatic on-going aftermath, the volume has wide international and interdisciplinary appeal, suitable for those with an interest in globalization, communication and media, politics, and social change." (Publisher description)
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"The protests that took place in Nigeria due to removal of fuel subsidy by the Jonathan administration in January 2012, tagged ‘Occupy Nigeria Protest’, have been labelled the social media revolution by the conventional media commentators in the country. For the first time in the history of the
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country, ethnic, regional and religious differences were set aside to confront the State in an arena without any State control: the Internet and its social communities, unrestricted, uncontrolled, uninhibited; the images, imageries and imaginations of the protestors deconstructed State authority and control - often in the face of brutal State attempts at offline suppression - and spread messages of solidarity and ‘anti-State’ forces. Using semiotic analysis and grounded within the theories of intermedialities, the findings suggest that the images on social media had played a significant role in mobilizing the protesters to come out and keep them on the street for the period of the protest." (Abstract)
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"En République démocratique du Congo (RDC), le Web constitue, depuis le dernier mandat constitutionnel du président Joseph Kabila au pouvoir depuis 2001, un espace d’affrontements politiques par le biais des discours religieux, ou par leaders religieux interposés. Alors que le président Kabil
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a a épuisé son dernier mandat constitutionnel, les discours religieux sur Internet sont devenus un outil de mobilisation, si bien qu’ils permettent de distinguer les partisans de l’alternance ou du maintien du gouvernement en place. Les médias numériques ont démontré leur capacité à mobiliser la rue lors des manifestations contre le maintien au pouvoir du président Joseph Kabila entre 2015 et 2017. Les discours religieux sur le Web peuvent jouer, quant à eux, une fonction d’atténuation de la contestation." (Résumé)
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"It is often assumed that a robust, free and independent media will contribute to the deepening of democracy by keeping governments accountable and broadening citizen participation in deliberative democratic debates. But in new democracies such as South Africa, the deepening and broadening of democr
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atic participation is often curtailed by challenges such as unequal access to the media, the orientation of mainstream media towards elite audiences and renewed attempts by sources of power to control the free flow of information. Despite the promise of a peaceful, equitable and democratic society after the end of apartheid, conflicts continue to erupt due to continued social polarisation, vast socio-economic inequalities and new struggles for power. In South Africa these conflicts include social protests on a daily basis, repeated outbreaks of xenophobic violence and disruptions to the parliamentary process. This paper probes the role of the media in these conflicts from the perspective of journalists who have reported on these issues. The paper explores ways in which journalists critically reflect on their abilities to perform the roles expected of them within a normative framework informed by the Habermasian ideal of deliberative democracy. The reasons they offer for not fulfilling these roles, and the conditions underpinning these failures, lead them to question the ability of the South African media to contribute to an emerging democracy." (Abstract)
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"In the recent years, we have witnessed several protests, initiatives and social uprisings in the SEE region, through which the citizens demanded for government accountability, suggested better policy solutions and promoted better citizen participation. Regional research “Communicating citizens' p
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rotests, requiring public accountability: Case study from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia” examines the communication practices during these social movements/ initiatives that took place in period 2011–2015, ranging in focus from environmental issues, through education reforms, to wide socio-economic issues. The aim of the research is to understand how the government officials responded to the calls to accountability, what were the practices of citizens/activist in terms of promotion of the movement and its goals, and which role did the mainstream media took when reporting on the protests and social mobilization. Study volume contains an overview of the major results of the research in three countries, and three separate country reports. The study finds that response to protests by both media and the government was rather systemic, with both failing to act in the public interest and to promote government accountability. Protests that included less criticism of the government structures received fairer media treatment, while the more anti-government ones attracted more controversial media converge (ranging from pro-government, more balanced, to supportive of protests) and framing that involved strategies of delegitimization of protests (mainly in BiH and Macedonia). But importantly, even when particular media provided fair representation of protesters (mainly case of dismantling chemical weapons in Albania), the media reports were superficial, lacking in-depth insights and analyses and substantial demands for government accountability." (Publisher description)
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"This book explores how personalized content and the inherent networked nature of the mobile media could and do lead to positive externalities in social progress in Asian societies. Empirical studies that examine uses of the mobile phone and apps (voice mailing, SMS, mobile social media, mobile Weib
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o, mobile WeChat, etc.) are featured as a response to calls for theorization of the mobile media's efficacy as a tool for citizen engagement and participation in civic and political affairs, especially in the search for collective solutions to widespread social problems of food safety, pollution, government corruption, and public health risks. Considering the vast cultural diversity of Asian societies that are shaped by different levels of political, social, economic, and religious development, the book offers nuanced studies that provide in-depth analysis of the mobile media and political communication in a variety of communities of leading Asian countries. From the country-specific studies, broad themes and enduring concepts emerge." (Publisher description)
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"This study compared social media (new media) and newspapers’ framing of the January 2012 #Occupy Nigeria Protest. Authors employed content analysis to investigate similarities and differences in the frames adopted by social media (Facebook page, blogs, conversations in Nairaland and Twitter) and
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three national newspapers (the Nigerian Tribune, The Guardian and The Punch) during the protest. Findings show that the old media fared better than the social media in their framing of the motivation, diagnosis and prognosis of the protest. This study established that representatives of the old media were better contributors to the prosecution and/or discourse of the Occupy Nigeria Protests than the social media." (Abstract)
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"The five reports that make up this collection are variously concerned with humanitarian aid, social and cultural evolution, crisis response, the mitigation of cultural divides, and political unrest. The themes that bind them are an international movement towards public safety; a trust-based relatio
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nship between states and citizens; community led social development; and the capacity of social media and big data to make use of, and amplify, the thoughts and voices of under-represented elements of society. Importantly, the reports also begin to question the inluence these violent contexts are having on the development of social media, where communities in crises utilise and shape these new technologies though real-time engagement. The potential of these media is being maximised to such an extent that these platforms are under strain, and developers are increasingly learning how to adapt to the needs of a variety of audiences in volatile contexts." (Introduction, page 6)
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"This collection brings together new research on contemporary media, politics and power. It explores ways and means through which media can and do empower or dis-empower citizens at the margins that is, how they act as vehicles of, or obstacles to, civic agency and social change." (Publisher descrip
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tion)
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"Ten Arab Filmmakers provides an up-to-date overview of the best of Arab cinema, offering studies of leading directors and in-depth analyses of their most important films. The filmmakers profiled here represent principal national cinemas of the Arab world―Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestin
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e, and Syria. Although they have produced many of the region's most-renowned films and gained recognition at major international festivals, with few exceptions these filmmakers have received little critical attention. All ten share a concern with giving image and voice to people struggling against authoritarian regimes, patriarchal traditions, or religious fundamentalism―theirs is a cinéma engagé. The featured directors are Daoud Abd El-Sayed, Merzak Allouache, Nabil Ayouch, Youssef Chahine, Mohamed Chouikh, Michel Khleifi, Nabil Maleh, Yousry Nasrallah, Jocelyne Saab, and Elia Suleiman." (Publisher description)
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"The election protests in Moscow in December 2011 signified an important moment for Russian society. Political dissent, historically reserved for the private domain of Soviet kitchens and in recent years to the regulation-free space of the Russian Internet (RuNet), entered the public space of Moscow
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streets. Just like the protests revealed the long-held tension between the political discussion (and action) in Russian public and private spheres, the coverage of the protests by different media brought to light similar struggles in Russian journalism. This project combines the textual analysis of the protests' coverage by two progovernment and two oppositional media with the analysis of their connections to the RuNet-a space that played an important role in the protests' organization and coordination. The project aims to gain a deeper understanding of the role RuNet-a private space that increasingly becomes more public-plays in the development of Russian journalism." (Abstract)
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"Through a paired comparison of two moments of mass mobilization, in Ukraine and Argentina, focusing on the role of different actors involved, this text maps out a multi-layered sequence of events leading up to mass mobilization." (Publisher description)
"The June 2013 protests in Brazil caused a veritable political earthquake. Initially demanding the right to affordable public transportation, hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets to express their discontent, which gradually came to include the sluggish progress made in public heal
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th and education, corruption and high spending on the upcoming sporting events, all the while demanding more rights and the strengthening of democracy in the country. The media played a decisive role in the protests. While commercial broadcasters sought at first to stigmatize and criminalize the protesters as “vandals”, they were later forced to change, at least partially, their editorial stance by the excesses of police violence. Live coverage of the events on the streets by the alternative press provided diversified information and alternative interpretations that were disseminated on the social media, thus contributing to move up the debate on the democratization of communication on the public agenda. Any political reform must be preceded by a reform of the broadcasting regulatory framework or, at least, of the articles of the Constitution specifically addressing communication. The right to communication is a crosscutting issue as it not only strengthens media plurality, but also ensures civil, economic, and collective rights." (Abstract)
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"Die Medien des heutigen Chile zeichnen sich durch eine zunehmende Kommerzialisierung und inhaltliche Entpolitisierung aus. Sie sind durch eine starke Zentralisierung gekennzeichnet, die sowohl politisch, wirtschaftlich als auch territorial gefestigt ist. Zudem sind sie von einer starken ideologisch
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en Komponente geprägt. Unternehmen haben damit einen enormen Einfluss auf die Medien und bestimmen ihre inhaltliche Linie. Dem demokratischen Grundsatz der freien Meinungsäußerung kommt der chilenische Staat bislang nur unzureichend nach. Die Meinungsfreiheit bleibt eingeschränkt, obwohl Restriktionen aus der Pinochet Diktatur zurückgenommen worden sind. Es ist eben diese Entwicklung, die zur Folge hat, dass bis heute eine Selbstzensur besteht, die einen Pluralismus in den Medien behindert. Viele Chilenen haben Angst vor Repressalien, wenn sie zu sehr an sozialen Konflikten partizipieren.
Vor diesem Hintergrund überrascht es nicht, dass die Medien in Chile in Bezug auf die Darstellung der Studentenproteste voreingenommen gehandelt haben und immer noch handeln. Das ist nicht nur der Vorwurf vieler Demonstranten. Der chilenische Verband der Nichtregierungsorganisationen hat bereits im Juni 2011 beim nationalen Fernsehrat Klage gegen Kanal 13 eingereicht. Laut dem chilenischen Magazin „Publimetro“ wirft er dem Sender vor, „die sozialen Bewegungen zu kriminalisieren“ und hält die Berichterstattung für „eine ernsthafte Verzerrung, die Pluralismus, Demokratie und sozialen Frieden untergräbt“. Zudem werden Beamte des Bildungsministeriums beschuldigt, Bilder zu unterschlagen, die die Gewalt der Polizei gegen Demonstranten zeigen. Während internationale Medien wie „El País“ in Spanien und die „New York Times“ die Studentendemonstrationen im Hinblick auf ihre Forderungen analysieren und sie sogar mit dem „Arabischen Frühling“ vergleichen, wird das Verhalten der Studenten in den meisten chilenischen Medien kritisiert und verfälscht dargestellt, ohne auf die Inhalte der Protestierenden einzugehen. Auch die Zahl der Teilnehmer wurde durch die nationalen Medien manipuliert. Vielfach wurde sogar vermieden, überhaupt über die Demonstrationen zu berichten: Eine riesige chilenische Flagge mit dem Slogan „Ausbildung: frei, würdig, frei“ wurde während des Spiels zwischen den Fußball-Nationalmannschaften von Chile und Mexiko ausgerollt. Bei den offiziellen Übertragungen der chilenischen TV-Sender wurde diese Flagge jedoch ausgeblendet." (Seiten 231-232)
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