"El concepto de publicidad oficial abarca todo lo relacionado con las comunicaciones de las entidades territoriales. No solo se trata del dinero que gastan para publicar en los medios de comunicación con anuncios de su gestión. Incluye el dinero destinado a vallas, pancartas, volantes o cuñas, ha
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sta la realización de conciertos, festivales y ferias siempre que estas hagan parte de sus estrategias de comunicación. Este canal de comunicación entre los mandatarios y la ciudadanía debería buscar informar a la población, fomentar el pluralismo, promover políticas públicas y el derecho a tener información verificada de la gestión de los gobernantes. Sin embargo, en Colombia está suficientemente demostrado que la mayoría de estos recursos se utilizan de manera arbitraria y se desvían de estos objetivos para convertirlos en una herramienta de autopromoción. El equipo de investigación de la FLIP le puso la lupa al gasto que hicieron las administraciones durante su gestión en el último cuatrienio. La Fundación solicitó información a las gobernaciones y alcaldías de las ciudades capitales del país y varias ciudades intermedias para estimar el monto del gasto de los últimos cuatro años, datos que están acá recogidos. Así mismo, en este periodo, la organización mantuvo el ejercicio de veeduría a entidades de todos los niveles, durante la pandemia de Covid-19 (2020 - 2021) y el periodo de protestas. Hizo informes detallados de cómo fue el comportamiento del Gobierno Nacional y del Ministerio de Defensa. Además, en 2023, publicó investigaciones puntuales sobre ciudades como Bogotá, Barranquilla y Envigado. Por otra parte, realizó talleres con alcaldías y gobernaciones, y entregó herramientas de buenas prácticas a la Procuraduría, sin que hayan sido acogidas con éxito. Este es, entonces, un esfuerzo por recoger las conclusiones del trabajo del equipo de investigación de la FLIP durante el último cuatrienio, un llamado para que este asunto, poco observado por entes de control, se comprenda con la importancia que merece por los efectos que tiene sobre la ciudadanía, el derecho de acceso a la información y la libertad de expresión." (https://flip.org.co)
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"A summary of the forthcoming policy paper Greening Africa's news deserts: The search for sustainable local media in sub-Saharan Africa, soon to be published. The policy paper has been written with support from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and Fojo Media Institute. It focuses on local and communit
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y media, though several points would apply more broadly." (Footnote, page 1)
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"Despite the positive impact of the constitutional reform of 2013 and other previous or related regulations, media policy in Mexico is still faced with numerous challenges. Many objectives of the 2013 reform, in fact, could not be achieved because of a series of secondary laws that have been adopted
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in the meantime. Controversial cases remain unresolved. The Mexican media system thus remains one of the most concentrated in the world. Therefore, more comprehensive economic competition measures and policies are needed (for instance, asymmetric policies by service and not by sector). On the other hand, as the goals of the governments in the media have not been achieved, the digital divide remains wide, which means that vast swathes of the Mexican population do not fully enjoy the benefits of digitization. Part of the reason is that post-reform investments were below expectations, at much lower levels than in other countries (except for a recent investment in a 5G network). Public media remain financially vulnerable as authorities have discretionary power in approving their budget and exert significant influence in their editorial coverage. Moreover, public media remain reluctant to be held accountable." (Conclusion)
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"The following report on the financial transparency of media represents data of 2020. In order to illustrate the extent to which budgetary funding influences the editorial policy of the media or to observe the types of editorial policies the concerned media outlets pursue, it also discusses some exa
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mples of media coverage. Released by the Media Development Foundation (MDF) annually, the report explores, on the one hand, declared revenues of broadcast media and, on the other, the practice of allocating budgetary funds for advertising and dissemination of information in media outlets." (Introduction)
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"The media sector in Kyrgyzstan is heavily dominated by the government through both ownership and funding. The government funds a large pool of state-owned media companies, including newspapers, radio broadcasters and the public service operator KTRK. According to our estimates, the government spent
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some US$ 7.6m in the media in 2018, more than 75% of which was accounted for by the state budget allocation for KTRK. On top of that, in a move aimed at gaining loyalty of media outlets, it is believed that the government is using state-owned companies, mainly banks and mining firms, or other public institutions, to fund more media. The value of these contributions is not publicly available. According to our calculations, and interviews with experts and journalists carried out for this report, we estimate the value of government funding in the media to be upwards of US$ 10m, which is equivalent to roughly half the value of the advertising market in Kyrgyzstan. Such an overly dominant position of the government in the media harms the country’s journalism in many ways. First, most of the media that relies on government cash is biased in its reporting. KTRK, one of the most influential broadcasters in Kyrgyzstan thanks partly to its nationwide coverage, is a devoted promoter of state policies and rarely provides alternative points of view. More than a third of KTRK’s airtime is filled with state propaganda, recent studies showed. Second, the government’s intervention in the media has a distorting effect on the market, discouraging investments and stymieing innovation and experimentation. Besides government funding, a major source of revenue for the media is the informal financing, comprising ad hoc contributions made by people or companies to media outlets as a way to buy their allegiance [...] Philanthropy remains the sole source of support for independent media. However, its contribution is a pittance compared to the other sources of media funding. The philanthropy funding in the Kyrgyz media during the past decade, some US$ 6.1m, is less than two-thirds of the state spending in one year alone." (Page 4)
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"Only three of the ten most popular television channels in Kazakhstan are not government-owned. Former President Nursultan Nazarbayev directly or through his family, also owns television channels. For example, KTK, the second most watched television channel in the country is run by the Foundation of
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the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan-Elbasy. Another popular television channel, NTK, is owned directly by a Nazarbayev family member. Nazarbayev resigned in March 2019, but political analysts say that he did so to be able, before he dies, to supervise a smooth transition to a new regime that will continue his policies, ensuring centralization of political control and preventing criticism of authorities as Nazarbayev did during his 29-year tenure. When it comes to online news, the Government owns three of the 10 most visited websites: Kazinform.kz, Bnews.kz and 24.kz. In fact, none of the most popular news portals in Kazakhstan are independent and truly free of government control. For example, TengriNews.kz, one of the most read news websites is owned by the company Alash Media Group, which is known for promoting a strong pro-government narrative.
The foreign influence in Kazakhstan’s media landscape is limited as foreigners can own only 20% of a media company. That being said, the Russian influence in the Kazakh media is notable. The most popular television channel in the country, Eurasia, jointly owned by the governments of Kazakhstan and Russia, is known for promoting a heavy pro-Russian agenda on world affairs. Another popular television channel, Channel 31 (31 Kanal) is co-owned by Bulat Utemuratov, a wealthy local businessman, and the Russian-funded STS Media Holding. Kenes Rakishev, another entrepreneur, owner of Channel Seven (Sedmoy Kanal), is also a partner in Fastlane Ventures, a prominent Russian venture fund that usually invests in internet companies.
The Government is by far the largest funder in the media, with over €144m spent in cash dished out to media companies in 2017, more than the overall ad spend in Kazakhstan, according to industry estimates. Most of the government funding goes to government-owned media companies or privately held outlets that show support of the Government. For example, in television, the biggest chunk of government cash is spent on financing Khabar and Qazaqstan, two government-owned channels.
In such a centralized media environment in which the Government plays a disproportionately big role, there is hardly any space for independent journalism. Owned by a civil society activist and journalist, Vlast.kz is arguably the sole truly independent news website among the 10 most visited websites in the country. There are other independent news media such as Azattyq, the local service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, but their audience is much smaller." (Page 4)
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"The media industry has been ravaged by the economic crises. Some media, mainly those covering tabloid fare and digitally savvier than others or those backed by deep-pocketed investors, are surviving or even thriving. But independent journalism outfits, particularly outside the Western world, have b
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een grappling with serious financial problems. This article is an analysis of how government uses funding, directly and indirectly, to capture the media. It describes trends in how governments use funding to control media by not financing independent journalism, but choosing to fund instead media outlets that advance the government agenda and the interests of its allies and supporters, either political groups or businesses." (Abstract)
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"The Media Ownership Monitor Cambodia revealed high levels of ownership concentration, a low transparency level, and a problematic dependency of media outlets on the government. The research and publication, jointly conducted together with the Cambodian Center for Independent Media (CCIM) from Septe
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mber to December 2015, highlights the related dangers to media freedom, particularly thorugh self-censorship and the absence of critical reporting." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Even though Colombia has more than 200 radio stations, more than 50 television channels and more than 50 newspapers, there is little media pluralism. The Media Ownership Monitor 2015, jointly carried out with the Colombian Association for Journalists (Federación Colombiana de Periodistas, FECOLPER
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) from August to November, reveals some of the reasons: Concentration is especially high for TV and Radio; Media intertwined with business empires and politics; No clear regulation for distribution of public advertising or licensing regime; Media market remains intransparent." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"En una minuciosa investigación, se realiza un recorrido a través de la comunicación de gobierno de los últimos tres mandatos presidenciales y se indaga en las particularidades de un aparato comunicacional sin precedentes en la historia de la República Argentina, en el que los gobiernos de Nés
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tor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner se han servido, entre otras cosas, de los medios del Estado para montar una maquinaria mediática cuyo presupuesto “supera la facturación del principal multimedios del país”." (Prólogo, página 7)
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"This book is an attempt to address obstacles to a democratic development of media systems in the countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and practices in media policy development, media ownership and financing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profess
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ion. It introduces the concept of media integrity to denote the public-service values of media and journalism. In analyzing the current situation of the media, the focus was on the assessment of factors that have been identified as posing a risk to media integrity, with an overview of past developments if relevant for understanding the current situation. Five countries were covered by the research presented in this book: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia." (Introduction)
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"We construct measures of the extent to which the four main newspapers in Argentina report government corruption on their front page during the period 1998–2007 and correlate them with government advertising. The correlation is negative. The size is considerable—a one standard deviation increase
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in monthly government advertising is associated with a reduction in the coverage of the government’s corruption scandals of 0.23 of a front page per month, or 18 percent of a standard deviation in coverage. The results are robust to the inclusion of newspaper, month, newspaper × president and individualcorruption scandal fixed effects, as well as newspaper × president specific time trends." (Abstract)
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"El precio del silencio' revela una tendencia creciente en varios países de América Latina: la interferencia “tras bambalinas” que ejercen los gobiernos sobre los medios de comunicación y la independencia editorial. Esta “censura sutil” y sus continuos efectos inhibitorios aún no han rec
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ibido la atención que merecen. Por medio del monitoreo sistemático de tales prácticas en Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Honduras, Perú y Uruguay, este informe procura llenar el vacío de información existente y revelar los peligros que entraña la censura indirecta para la libertad y la independencia de la tarea periodística. El presente informe examina cómo los gobiernos de los países analizados abusan de sus facultades regulatorias y de fondos públicos para controlar a los medios, con muy poca vigilancia: utilizan la publicidad oficial para castigar a los medios críticos y recompensar a los que se muestran amigables; deniegan el acceso y la información a los periodistas que consideran “críticos”; presionan secretamente a dueños y editores de medios para que cambien sus líneas editoriales; y otorgan licencias de radiodifusión de modo tal de beneficiar a los aliados políticos y acallar a las voces independientes." (Cubierta del libro)
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