"En una minuciosa investigación, se realiza un recorrido a través de la comunicación de gobierno de los últimos tres mandatos presidenciales y se indaga en las particularidades de un aparato comunicacional sin precedentes en la historia de la República Argentina, en el que los gobiernos de Nés
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tor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner se han servido, entre otras cosas, de los medios del Estado para montar una maquinaria mediática cuyo presupuesto “supera la facturación del principal multimedios del país”." (Prólogo, página 7)
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"Russland versucht seit Jahren, sein Image zu verbessern. Für dieses Ziel werden Auslandsmedien ausgebaut und PR-Firmen beauftragt. Aber es fehlt eine Gesamtstrategie und das Grundverständnis, wie demokratische Öffentlichkeit funktioniert. Trotz teilweiser Erfolge wird Moskau ohne einen politisch
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en Wandel und gesellschaftliche Modernisierung in Russland nicht viel erreichen. Das zeigt auch der Blick auf einige der Akteure staatlicher Imagepolitik in Deutschland." (Abstract)
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"Government communications is challenging in today’s world, which increasingly insists on transparency, accountability, and proactive disclosure, and when news is presented around the clock. At the same time, governments are being called on to communicate across agencies in a coordinated fashion o
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n complicated and specialized topics. All this is occurring at a time of low confidence in government, requiring even more openness and transparency. Ultimately governments need to understand that it is in their self-interest to communicate." (Conclusion)
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"Russia still aspires to influence the news media in the former Soviet republics. The objective appears to be to manipulate their media environments in order to promote dependence on Russia and distrust of the West and to help Russia to pursue its political and commercial objectives–such as persua
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ding former Soviet republics to adhere to the Eurasian Customs Union or promoting opposition to the United States and NATO. The push by Russia to influence the media among its near neighbors not only marks an important thrust of Russian foreign policy, it also poses a major challenge to the international media development community." (CIMA website)
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"After the Anglo-American invasion, the US neo-conservative administration established the Iraqi Governing Council in July 2003, which included 25 members selected for their ethnic and religious origins; it was the most obvious sign of the US political separatist strategy. As a result of the new pol
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itical reality, the Iraqi media was divided into ethno-sectarian lines, resulting from previous policies followed by the US administration. This article argues that the US media policy prior and after the US invasion of Iraq played a part in enhancing and encouraging the sectarian divisions in the Iraqi society. This was mainly done by sending biased media messages through the state-run Iraqi Media Network (IMN) and other US-aligned channels and allowing militant voices from different Iraqi sides to wage wars of words without interfering. In fact, the only time US officials interfered is when they were criticized by Iraqi media outlets. This study cites different US government reports, accounts from media practitioners who worked for IMN and other journalists that monitored the Iraqi media." (Abstract)
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"This paper reflects the adaptation and transformation of the Chinese party-state's government strategy in the digital era. Through a discourse analysis of the current Chinese debate on the role of microblogs in China, it argues that China's political elites have revised their social management stra
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tegy. They now tend to base their political decision-making on strategic calculations that reflect online public opinion in order to increase the system's efficiency and to generate a new kind of performance-based legitimacy. This turn to a more responsive mode of governance has been driven by the findings of Internet surveys and reports provided by Chinese research institutes and advisory bodies. A close reading of these documents and reports helps to answer the question of why authoritarian states such as China do not prohibit the spread of new communication technologies, even though these are said to have triggered or at least facilitated the rebellions of the Arab Spring." (Abstract)
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"Ein Teil der Subkulturen des russischen Internets unterstützt heute offen und aggressiv das Regierungslager. Insbesondere sind dies die sogenannten padonki („Prolls“), die mit ihrer falschen Orthographie und obszönen Lexik früher gezielt provozierten, deren Wortschöpfungen heute aber Teil d
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er Populärkultur geworden sind. Der scheinbare Widerspruch zwischen dem einst rebellischen Auftreten dieser Gruppen und ihrer heutigen staatsnahen Position löst sich bei näherer Betrachtung auf. Zur psychosozialen Disposition der padonki gehörte von Beginn an das Ressentiment. Das herrschende Regime hat sich diese Disposition erfolgreich zunutze gemacht und profitiert heute mit von der Bekanntheit der ehemaligen „Prolls." (Abstract)
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"In China as elsewhere, netizens have made new demands upon government and challenged conventional media to respond to popular concerns. Established approaches to controlling the media may be otiose; Party leaders are stressing the value of cooperation rather than confrontation and calling for a new
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relationship between media and authority. This article examines how the department of a city government traditionally tasked with controlling the media and shaping opinion is seeking to come to terms with the calls from the centre and, in the process, think up a different kind of relationship with the media. From dealings with press officers over four years, the authors identify a reflective and dynamic response to the present challenges. The respondents speculate that arrangements being put in place to deal with the new media environment may change fundamentally the relationships between authority and citizen, and the authors evaluate this." (Abstract)
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"The government in Syria came to differentiate between political dissent and the civil society activism in which the new generation plays a vital role thanks to the use of social media. Unable to control the burst of online activity, Damascus was forced to focus on monitoring key dissenters and huma
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n rights activists rather than wasting time and resources on monitoring thousands of youth and civil society activists who are turning to web 2.0 technologies such as Facebook and Twitter to promote change and development. Online social media, which virtually anyone can use from home, played a central role in the Syrian uprising and helped break the decades-old government media monopoly. But it helped the Syrian government crack down on activists." (Page 1)
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"[Este libro] examina la relación entre el poder político, los medios de comunicación y la ciudadanía; recorre su evolución y establece un diálogo entre la teoría y la práctica mediante el constante acercamiento a episodios que ilustran su interdependencia, pero más allá de esto, el libro
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trata de llamar la atención sobre la peligrosa línea que divide la influencia cada vez mayor de la comunicación estratégica alineada a finalidades políticas, y el nefasto monopolio de la información, tanto de parte de los gobiernos como de parte de los intereses privados. Una comunicación dominante y una comunicación dominada no son, ciertamente, el espacio ideal para el desarrollo de un nuevo modelo de democracia, caracterizado por el diálogo, la participación, la tolerancia y, sobre todo, por la preservación de las libertades individuales y colectivas. La comunicación puede poner o quitar la venda a los ojos de la democracia. Nuestro propósito al escribir este libro fue alimentar la esperanza de que aún estamos a tiempo de ganar la batalla contra la indiferencia." (Presentación, página 10)
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"Die Nutzung von Mikroblogs durch staatliche Stellen und Parteikader ist Teil der Strategie des chinesischen Partei-Staates, das Internet zur Stabilisierung des politischen Systems einzusetzen. Über staatliche Mikroblogs werden offizielle und fundierte Informationen verbreitet; ein Angebot, das von
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der chinesischen Gesellschaft durchaus aufgegriffen wird. Einblick in die öffentliche Meinung gewinnt der Partei-Staat über die Auswertung der auf „zivilen“, also nicht staatlichen, Mikroblogs geführten Online-Debatten. Diese liefern dem Partei-Staat Informationen über Anliegen und Bedürfnisse der Bevölkerung, welche dieser präemptiv aufnimmt, hierdurch die Effizienz seiner Regulierungs- und Steuerungsmaßnahmen erhöht – und letztendlich dadurch den Legitimitätsglauben der Bevölkerung bestärkt. Mit der Einführung neuer Informations- und Kommunikationsmedien wandeln sich die staatlich-zivilen Beziehungen. Für „zivile“ Akteure eröffnen Mikroblogs neue Möglichkeiten der Vernetzung und Interessenskoordination. In diesem Sinne beenden „zivile“ Mikroblogs das Informationsmonopol des chinesischen Partei-Staates und erhöhen den Druck auf das System, Informationen über aktuelle Entwicklungen möglichst zeitnah zu veröffentlichen. Mikroblogs übernehmen somit eine Korrektiv- und Kontrollfunktion." (Seite 1)
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"According to Argentinean law, the government can transmit on television and radio broadcasters in grave, exceptional or institutionally significant circumstances. Nestor Kirchner, Mrs. Fernández de Kirchner’s predecessor and deceased husband, spoke to citizens by nationwide broadcast twice in hi
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s time in office between 2003 and 2007. The current president has made 52 of these broadcasts in the last three years. Opposition organisations have used the social networks Twitter and Facebook to call on people to disrupt the broadcasts with noise." (Page 22)
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"Revisar cuarenta años de historia de los medios masivos de información en tan breve espacio es sin duda insuficiente, pero lo hacemos considerando que cada vez más alumnos —y en especial tesistas— requieren de información histórica básica para sus trabajos. El propósito de este texto es,
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entonces, fijar hitos para quienes deseen repasar la historia de nuestros medios informativos, no ciñéndose a fuentes únicas sino atendiendo a que existen distintas visiones que no se pueden eludir si la intención es genuinamente académica. Debe advertirse que en un tema tan complejo como la historia de los medios, las clasificaciones y nominaciones son arbitrarias. Los interesados en su estudio deben someterse a ese riesgo. En ese sentido, trataremos de proveer las fuentes de consulta que a nuestro parecer son básicas para acceder a los escenarios, muy complejos, que hicieron posibles eventos tan significativos como la fundación de medios, su desaparición o la influencia que tuvieron en contextos determinados. Se ha venido además insistiendo, en especial en los estudios políticos, en la ausencia de trabajos en nuestro país que se acerquen más y mejor a las relaciones del poder con los medios masivos de información, que son empresas que pugnan por la rentabilidad a la vez que tratan de situarse como promotoras de opinión proclamando una independencia que nunca han tenido." (Página 11-12)
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"Following a decade of extensive international involvement and arduous fighting, Afghanistan is currently going through a significant Transition intended to enable Afghans to assume responsibility for their own security, development and governance. In addition to opportunities, this process provides
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significant challenges to the Afghan society and its development partners. This study raises awareness of the role and potential of strategic communications to address some of these challenges and aid Afghanistan’s Transition objectives beyond the timeframe set for 2014. In treatment of this topic, this study provides a theoretical and historical overview of communication for development, Afghanistan’s pre- and post-2001 situation with reference to the use of important channels of modern and traditional communications, and examines pertinent perspectives on the importance of strategic communications, particularly in strengthening Afghanistan’s Transition context. In addition, this study focuses on the contribution of strategic communication in non-security matters, particularly governance and peace promotion, and identifies some major challenges where the potential of strategic communications to contribute has remained underexploited. Drawing on these discussions, the results indicates that, in spite of some measures put to the fore, the Afghan government lacks an overarching strategic communications framework integrating multi-media, multi-outlet and public outreach to help in achieving the Transition goal; a stable Afghan state. Pointing clearly to the need for such an integrated campaign, the dissemination of negative perspectives, such as that suggesting that Afghanistan would collapse after 2004, has given space to insurgents propaganda, a challenge which can be addressed through effective strategic communications. In the conclusions, this study argues on the importance of strategic communications as an strategic tool to aid Afghanistan development agenda particularly in the Transition context and presents some practical recommendations to the Afghan government and its deployment partners for effective use of strategic communications in view of a holistic approach aimed the strengthening development of Afghanistan and particularly the Transition process." (Abstract)
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"Anfang Mai 2012 wurde Vladimir Putin erneut ins Präsidentenamt eingeführt. Die pompöse Zeremonie unterschied sich nur graduell von seinem ersten Einzug in den Kreml im Jahr 2000. Man glaubt ihn inzwischen zu kennen. Doch Putin ist ein Verwandlungskünstler. Die mediale Inszenierung als omnipoten
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ter Herrscher, Feldherr, guter Zar und Retter seines Volkes verwendet nationale Traditionen aus vorrevolutionärer Zeit. Rückgriffe auf die internationale massenmediale Ästhetik sowie populäre Stereotypen versetzen Putin in die Rolle eines modernen Helden, Sexsymbols, Medien- und Popstars. Die symbolische Politik unter Putin ist im Zeitalter des Politainment angekommen." (Abstract)
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"Glenda Daniels examines the pattern of paranoia that has crept into public discourse about the media and the ANC, and their conflictual relationship. She analyses this fraught relationship through various popular media stories, such as Manto and Mondli, Zapiro and Zuma. Her argument ist that there
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is some hysteria on the part of the ruling party and its allies, for instance the SACP, regarding the media's exposés, which partially rests on the problem of conflating party, state and 'the media'." (Back cover)
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