"Public trust in institutions is a key prerequisite for effective crisis management. However, the rise of populism and misinformation in recent years made it increasingly difficult to maintain institutional trust. Despite this recognition, we still lack a systematic understanding of how exposure to
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misinformation and populist political orientation affect people’s trust in institutions. This paper fills this gap by adopting an original approach to trust, focusing on prospective trust rather than trust in the present, and by comparing four countries led by populist leaders during the pandemic – Brazil, Poland, Serbia, and the United States. The comparative design allows us to consider not only the role of individual-level factors (populist attitudes and misinformation exposure) but also the role of different approaches to the COVID-19 pandemic adopted in the four countries. The study utilizes data from a cross-sectional survey, carried out between November and December 2022 (N = 5000). Our findings show that populist attitudes are the most significant predictor of distrust in political institutions in all four countries. Believing in false information related to COVID-19, on the other hand, has a stronger impact on distrust in expert institutions – public health authorities, scientists, and medical professionals. The data also highlight the importance of local context and different approaches to handling the pandemic in the dynamics of trust. In Poland and Serbia, populist voters have more trust in both healthcare authorities as well as in political institutions; however, in Brazil and the United States, populist voters were more likely to distrust expert institutions." (Abstract)
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"Compared with work on trust in news, surprisingly little research examines audiences’ expectations of journalism. Audiences’ expectations, after all, elucidate public opinion of news, including the criteria by which news and journalists may be trusted. Journalism expectancy research is particul
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arly paltry beyond Euro-American contexts, where normative and primarily Western understandings of journalism cannot be assumed. Drawing on 28 in-depth interviews, this study illuminates situated expectations of journalism and journalists in Uganda. I find that although respondents desire for media professionals to expose corruption, serve the public, and provide social support to communities, they expect in practice that journalists will accept bribes and produce government-leaning content. Despite this gap between desired and anticipated practices, respondents expressed positive perceptions toward journalists, often contrasting this confidence with frustration toward political representatives. Such favorability alongside unmet normative expectations, I argue, reflects individuals’ relative institutional trust in journalism above any substantive evaluation of media performance." (Abstract)
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"The 2024 Edelman Trust Barometer reveals a new paradox at the heart of society. Rapid innovation offers the promise of a new era of prosperity, but instead risks exacerbating trust issues, leading to further societal instability and political polarization. In a year where half the global population
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can vote in new leaders, the acceptance of innovation is essential to the success of our society. While people agree that scientists are essential to the acceptance of innovation, many are concerned that politics has too much influence on science. This perception is contributing to the decline of trust in the institutions responsible for steering us through change and towards a more prosperous future." (www.edelman.com)
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"What emerges most clearly from this comparison of journalists and creators is that journalism has placed many markers of trust in institutional processes that are opaque to audiences, while creators try to embed the markers of trust directly in their interactions with audiences." (Conclusion)
"Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app – that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018. Publishers in a few smaller Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are
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showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts – preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.
• Facebook remains one of the most-used social networks overall, but its influence on journalism is declining as it shifts its focus away from news. It also faces new challenges from established networks such as YouTube and vibrant youth-focused networks such as TikTok. The Chinese-owned social network reaches 44% of 18–24s across markets and 20% for news. It is growing fastest in parts of Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America.
• When it comes to news, audiences say they pay more attention to celebrities, influencers, and social media personalities than journalists in networks like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. This contrasts sharply with Facebook and Twitter, where news media and journalists are still central to the conversation.
• Much of the public is sceptical of the algorithms used to select what they see via search engines, social media, and other platforms. Less than a third (30%) say that having stories selected for me on the basis of previous consumption is a good way to get news, 6 percentage points lower than when we last asked the question in 2016. Despite this, on average, users still slightly prefer news selected this way to that chosen by editors or journalists (27%), suggesting that worries about algorithms are part of a wider concern about news and how it is selected.
• Despite hopes that the internet could widen democratic debate, we find fewer people are now participating in online news than in the recent past. Aggregated across markets, only around a fifth (22%) are now active participators, with around half (47%) not participating in news at all. In the UK and United States, the proportion of active participators has fallen by more than 10 percentage points since 2016. Across countries we find that this group tends to be male, better educated, and more partisan in their political vie ws.
• Trust in the news has fallen, across markets, by a further 2 percentage points in the last year, reversing in many countries the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, four in ten of our total sample (40%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the country with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while Greece (19%) has the lowest after a year characterised by heated arguments about press freedom and the independence of the media." (Summary, page 10)
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"In many countries, especially outside Europe and the United States, we find a significant further decline in the use of Facebook for news and a growing reliance on a range of alternatives including private messaging apps and video networks. Facebook news consumption is down 4 percentage points, acr
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oss all countries, in the last year.
• News use across online platforms is fragmenting, with six networks now reaching at least 10% of our respondents, compared with just two a decade ago. YouTube is used for news by almost a third (31%) of our global sample each week, WhatsApp by around a fifth (21%), while TikTok (13%) has overtaken Twitter (10%), now rebranded X, for the first time.
• Linked to these shifts, video is becoming a more important source of online news, especially with younger groups. Short news videos are accessed by two-thirds (66%) of our sample each week, with longer formats attracting around half (51%). The main locus of news video consumption is online platforms (72%) rather than publisher websites (22%), increasing the challenges around monetisation and connection.
• Although the platform mix is shifting, the majority continue to identify platforms including social media, search, or aggregators as their main gateway to online news. Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) identify news websites or apps as their main source of online news – that’s down 10 percentage points on 2018. Publishers in a few Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are showing a weaker connection with news brands than they did in the past.
• Turning to the sources that people pay most attention to when it comes to news on various platforms, we find an increasing focus on partisan commentators, influencers, and young news creators, especially on YouTube and TikTok. But in social networks such as Facebook and X, traditional news brands and journalists still tend to play a prominent role.
• Concern about what is real and what is fake on the internet when it comes to online news has risen by 3 percentage points in the last year with around six in ten (59%) saying they are concerned. The figure is considerably higher in South Africa (81%) and the United States (72%), both countries that have been holding elections this year.
• Worries about how to distinguish between trustworthy and untrustworthy content in online platforms is highest for TikTok and X when compared with other online networks. Both platforms have hosted misinformation or conspiracies around stories such as the war in Gaza, and the Princess of Wales’s health, as well as so-called ‘deep fake’ pictures and videos." (Executive summary, page 10)
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"In the battle against misinformation, do negative spillover effects of communicative efforts intended to protect audiences from inaccurate information exist? Given the relatively limited prevalence of misinformation in people’s news diets, this study explores if the heightened salience of misinfo
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rmation as a persistent societal threat can have an unintended spillover effect by decreasing the credibility of factually accurate news. Using an experimental design (N = 1305), we test whether credibility ratings of factually accurate news are subject to exposure to misinformation, corrective information, misinformation warnings, and news media literacy (NML) interventions relativizing the misinformation threat. Findings suggest that efforts like warning about the threat of misinformation can prime general distrust in authentic news, hinting toward a deception bias in the context of fear of misinformation being salient. Next, the successfulness of NML interventions is not straight forward if it comes to avoiding that the salience of misinformation distorts people’s creditabilityaccuracy. We conclude that the threats of the misinformation order may not just be remedied by fighting false information, but also by reestablishing trust in legitimate news." (Abstract)
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"Digital trust initiatives strive to address complex problems and have multiple goals: from empowering users, to improving journalistic practices, to driving audiences and revenues to trusted news sources—and they cannot achieve such goals alone. Bolstering trustworthy news outlets and the content
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they produce in the digital information ecosystem is no easy undertaking. It entails interfacing with a diverse set of stakeholders—readers, journalists, news organizations, platforms, and advertisers—all of whom have distinct behaviors, goals, and incentives. Yet, the potential payback is immense if all the parts in this complex system can be aligned toward a similar objective. Cooperation among these initiatives as well as with other key industry actors in this sector will be key. There are signs that such collaboration is underway.
The Journalism Trust Initiative (JTI) emergency protocol powered by NewsGuard aims to support news outlets at risk and will be tested for the first time in Ukraine later this year. It is a potentially promising example of how these initiatives can work together to help newsrooms around the world establish their credibility and transparency in times of crisis. There are also indications of increased cooperation between these initiatives and tech companies. A recently launched project shows the potential for collaboration among multiple digital news trust initiatives and online platforms: the Microsoft Journalism Hub, a resource center built to connect the journalism community with tools, technology, services, and partner programs. Among its features, it includes NewsGuard’s indicator tools and offers support for JTI’s certification program. Digital trust initiatives have set ambitious goals, but their ambitions for change at a global scale remain largely unproven as these efforts are still quite young. Additionally, the opacity of platforms’ content curation and moderation processes, and the lack of data on advertisers’ investment decisions, contributes to a dearth of concrete evidence on how these actors are actually using these indicators and standards—if they are using them at all. The extent to which these initiatives will gain broader traction is yet to be seen." (Conclusions)
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"In den vergangenen Jahren wurde vermehrt darüber diskutiert, ob und in welchem Ausmaß das Vertrauen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger in mediale Berichterstattungen abgenommen hat. Begriffe wie „Lügenpresse“, grassierende Falschinformationen und die von vielen Beobachtern festgestellte gesellscha
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ftliche Polarisierung verleiten zu dem Schluss, dass das Vertrauen in die etablierten Medien gesunken sein müsse. Aber lässt sich dies auch empirisch feststellen? Die Mainzer Langzeitstudie zum Medienvertrauen hat über mehrere Jahre hinweg Daten erhoben und ausgewertet. Ihre Ergebnisse und Schlüsse zeichnen erstmals ein systematisches, auf repräsentativen Meinungsumfragen basierendes Stimmungsbild zur Einstellung der deutschen Bevölkerung zum Mediensystem und zur Berichterstattung für die Jahre 2015 bis 2020. Die Autorinnen und Autoren belassen es nicht bei der Darstellung der Forschungsergebnisse, sondern leiten daraus Vorschläge ab, wie das Medienvertrauen künftig gestärkt beziehungsweise zurückgewonnen werden kann." (Verlagsinformation)
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"Four Forces That Lead To Polarization: 1. Economic Anxieties: Economic optimism is collapsing around the world, with 24 of 28 countries seeing all-time lows in the number of people who think their families will be better off in five years. 2. Institutional Imbalance: Business is now the sole instit
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ution seen as competent and ethical; government is viewed as unethical and incompetent. Business is under pressure to step into the void left by government. 3. Mass-Class Divide: People in the top quartile of income live in a different trust reality than those in the bottom quartile, with 20+ point gaps in Thailand, the United States, and Saudi Arabia. 4. The Battle for Truth: A shared media environment has given way to echo chambers, making it harder to collaboratively solve problems. Media is not trusted, with especially low trust in social media." (Page 4)
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"Chayka.lv is an independent media outlet established in 2019 that provides free, high-quality, politically neutral information to the Russian-speaking community of the Latvian city of Daugavpils, including news, entertainment, human-interest and other factual content. It started as pages on the Fac
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ebook and OK.ru social media platforms, then an online news portal, before expanding to other platforms including Instagram, VK, Telegram, and YouTube. It has been supported to develop its journalistic capacity, expand its audience and progress towards financial sustainability by Internews’ project Supporting Independent Media in the Baltics Action (SIMBA), which was funded by the US Department of Human Rights and Labor between 2019 and 2022. In August 2021, Internews commissioned the Market Research Center to conduct a detailed research study into Chayka.lv’s impact on the media landscape of Daugavpils. This report is the product of that study, and highlights how Chayka.lv was the city’s third most popular Russian-language media outlet at the time of writing, that survey respondent’s viewed Chayka.lv as the only politically neutral source of information in Daugavpils, that it has a significant female following and that Internews’ support correlates with growth and expansion." (Publisher description)
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"This article provides a discussion of some of the recent research on media trust focusing on arguments for why media trust matters. What are the arguments for why trust is important? Are there reasons to accept these arguments? We identify three distinct arguments in the literature. First, that it
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is important for media organizations and for the media as an industry. Secondly, that media trust is essential for democratic citizenship and for bringing forth informed individuals with the capacity for political engagement. Lastly, that media trust is similar to other forms of (social) trust and connected to a wider existential discussion on ontological security. None of these arguments are totally convincing when inspected more closely and in light of empirical research. The article thus concludes that there is a lack of strong arguments for why falling levels of trust in the news media are legitimately described as a crisis or a problem. A supposed “trust crisis” mainly exists when viewed from what must be described as a rather narrow ideological and normative perspective." (Abstract)
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"Trust lies at the heart of the disinformation crisis, as citizens must decide which narratives to follow and whether to accept “alternative truths.” Therefore, trust in institutions that publish reliable information can act as a shield against disinformation. This comparative study investigates
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the role of trust in news media and political actors and general attitudes toward democracy in the willingness to spread disinformation (i.e., likes, shares, or comments). Findings of this study show that news media trust plays a subordinate role but that trust in social media news has a strong relationship with willingness to spread disinformation. In 2020, citizens in the United States and United Kingdom who had high trust in their governments were more willing to spread disinformation, whereas in France and Belgium, citizens who trusted opposition leaders were more likely to do so. Moreover, citizens who were satisfied with democracy appeared to be less vulnerable to disinformation, with the exception of those in the United States. Therefore, political actors bear great responsibility for the current (dis)information crisis because they can exploit citizens’ trust to their advantage." (Abstract)
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"The key findings suggest that Syrians continue to adopt social media and social messaging apps as the primary channels through which they access news. They appreciate the privacy of messaging apps for communication with friends and family, and check the credibility of news stories with friends, fam
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ily and other sources through these apps. In 2023, Syrians required news content about local issues, economic news and updates regarding basic services, all of which differed from the 2020 findings. Respondents also told us that they prioritise breaking news, and have minimal dependency on radio or print. They are adept at recognising partisan media and prefer news from familiar, credible media that are free from political bias. They have average levels of trust in most local, regional and international media, with very little differentiation between the most trusted and least trusted (only 10% difference). Residents of Ar-Raqqa have some of the lowest levels of trust across media providers. Syrians have medium/mixed levels of trust in a wide range of online and offline news and information sources, including independent media Over 74% of the survey respondents reported that they trust news that they receive on social media from friends and family." (Executive summary, page 1-2)
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"Applying an inclusive concept of ‘conflicted societies’ that goes beyond those affected by violent conflict to include traditionally ‘stable’ but increasingly polarised democracies, such as the UK and the USA, contributors engage with longstanding questions and new challenges surrounding co
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ncepts of responsibility, trust, public service, and public interest in journalism. The unique span of studies offers international scope, including societies often overlooked in media and journalism studies, such as Northern Ireland, Turkey, Cyprus, Pakistan, The Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic. Chapters also feature contemporary case studies, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, as a route into understanding the pertinent issue of fake news, and the ‘local turn’ in journalism." (Publisher description)
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"Wirtschaftliche Sorgen, Zukunfts- und Abstiegsängste sowie fehlendes Vertrauen in Politik und Wissenschaft bilden, wie Ortwin Renn erläutert, einen idealen Nährboden für Desinformation und Populismus, indem Tatbestände durch Gefühle verdrängt werden. Renn verdeutlicht, welche mentalen, sozia
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len und psychologischen Faktoren unseren Umgang mit der Flut der oft widerstreitenden Informationen bestimmen. Warum hadern Menschen mit wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnissen? Welche menschlichen Eigenschaften nutzen Populisten für demagogische Kampagnen? Wie wirken mediale Echokammern als Vehikel für Verschwörungserzählungen? Welche Folgen hat die wachsende Zahl derer, die Politik und Wissenschaft pauschal die Glaubwürdigkeit absprechen und sich von der Zivilgesellschaft verabschieden? Renn wirbt für eine transparente Debattenkultur in der Politik, aber auch in den Medien und den Institutionen, die Zwischentöne und Zusammenhänge nicht ausblende. Zudem müssten Zuversicht und Vertrauen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger in die eigene Gestaltungsfähigkeit gestärkt werden, nicht zuletzt durch Reformen der repräsentativen Demokratie." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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