"For journalists promoting the free flow of information in repressive or restrictive media environments, the issue of financial sustainability is complex. Both media in exile (out-of-country news outlets feeding independent information into the country of origin) and news outlets in restrictive news
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environments (in-country providing counter-information) exist in flawed market situations and often rely on grant funding. This is the first academic study of the revenue streams of these media, providing scarce empirical data and a typology of funding structures of these media. This article examines three main revenue categories: grant funding, earned income and donations. The major factors influencing revenue streams compared to online media start-ups in open markets are discussed. The article finds significant barriers to revenue creation and identifies the need for alternative approaches, particularly partnerships, to promote economic resilience for media under threat." (Abstract)
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"This paper critically assesses the ethical challenges not-for-profit oppositional news outlets face when generating revenues. Both media in exile (out-of-country news outlets feeding independent information into the country of origin) and those in restrictive environments (in-country providing coun
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ter-information) often rely on media development funding to survive. Yet they are increasingly expected to diversify revenue as they wean themselves off grant dependency. As a result, tension arises between the necessities to generate revenues while continuing journalism in some of the most challenging environments globally. Building on empirical data, the author reflects on the ethical implications of three main revenue categories being used: grant funding, commercial revenues and donations. The paper finds oppositional news organisations are faced with a unique set of pragmatic challenges that prompts an ethical value set which oscillates between entrenched dependence on grant funding, commercial reluctance and commercial reconciliation." (Abstract)
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"Clandestine broadcasts are politically-motivated broadcasts produced by groups opposed to the government of the target country. Other target broadcasts can be produced by either governmental or non-governmental organisations and are targetted at zones of regional or local conflict." (Page 508)
"This article seeks to highlight how the media – especially radio – have always been used in Zimbabwe to consolidate the power of the government. This invariably led to oppositional media emerging from outside the country, giving the populace access to alternative discourses from those churned o
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ut by state media. The response to the alternative media run by blacks led the Southern Rhodesian and Rhodesian regimes to come up with repressive legislation that criminalised these media. After independence the state media embarked on consolidating the status quo and eliminating some sectors of the community from coverage – a repeat of the past. Legislation inherited from Rhodesia continued to be used in independent Zimbabwe, where the criminalisation of alternative voices and limitations in access to alternative media are predominant. Such a scenario reveals that there have been three waves of media repression in Zimbabwe, from Southern Rhodesia to Rhodesia and then to independent Zimbabwe, to deny the media their independence." (Abstract)
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"In many ways what is identified today as "cultural globalization" in Eastern Europe has its roots in the Cold War phenomena of samizdat ("do-it-yourself" underground publishing) and tamizdat (publishing abroad). This volume offers a new understanding of how information flowed between East and West
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during the Cold War, as well as the much broader circulation of cultural products instigated and sustained by these practices. By expanding the definitions of samizdat and tamizdat from explicitly political, print publications to include other forms and genres, this volume investigates the wider cultural sphere of alternative and semi-official texts, broadcast media, reproductions of visual art and music, and, in the post-1989 period, new media. The underground circulation of uncensored texts in the Cold War era serves as a useful foundation for comparison when looking at current examples of censorship, independent media and the use of new media in countries like China, Iran, and the former Yugoslavia." (Book cover)
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"Die Protestwelle nach der umstrittenen Präsidentschaftswahl im Iran vom Juni 2009 lenkte die Aufmerksamkeit der Weltöffentlichkeit auf die lebendige Internetkultur der Islamischen Republik. Das Internet, heißt es, befördert den gesellschaftlichen Wandel in Ländern wie dem Iran, doch inwiefern
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unterscheidet sich das Netz von den Printmedien? Stellt es tatsächlich eine neue öffentliche Sphäre dar? Welchen Einfluss haben soziale Netzwerke wie Facebook, Twitter oder YouTube auf die Organisation von Demonstrationen? Bringt die iranische Blogosphäre eine Kultur des Dissidententums hervor, die das islamistische Regime am Ende zu Fall bringen wird? Diese wegweisende Studie bietet Einblicke in die Internetkultur im heutigen Iran und untersucht die Auswirkungen der neuen Kommunikationsformen auf Gesellschaft und Politik. Die Autoren warnen davor, "Blogger" mit "Dissident" gleichzusetzen, denn auch das Regime hat längst mit der "Kolonisierung Blogistans" begonnen. Das Internet, so eine ihrer Thesen, bringt Veränderungen mit sich, die weder die Regierung noch die Demokratiebewegungen vorhersehen konnten und können. "Blogistan" ist nicht nur eine Fallstudie zur Internetaneigung in der islamischen Welt, sondern das Buch macht auch deutlich, welche Auswirkungen die Neuen Medien auf gesellschaftliche Strukturen und Prozesse haben." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The protests unleashed by Iran's disputed presidential election in June 2009 brought the Islamic Republic's vigorous cyber culture to the world's attention. Iran has an estimated 700,000 bloggers, and new media such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube were thought to have played a key role in spreadin
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g news of the protests. The internet is often celebrated as an agent of social change in countries like Iran, but most literature on the subject has struggled to grasp what this new phenomenon actually means. How is it different from print culture? Is it really a new public sphere? Will the Iranian blogosphere create a culture of dissidence, which eventually overpowers the Islamist regime? In this groundbreaking work, the authors give a flavour of contemporary internet culture in Iran and analyse how this new form of communication is affecting the social and political life of the country. Although they warn against stereotyping bloggers as dissidents, they argue that the internet is changing things in ways which neither the government nor the democracy movement could have anticipated." (Publisher description)
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"This article analyses the re-emergence of clandestine radio in post-independence Zimbabwe, and how it has become an important tool for disseminating alternative viewpoints in an environment where democratic communicative space is restricted. The article focuses specifically on SW Radio Africa, one
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of the major clandestine radio stations that have been beaming into Zimbabwe since 2001. It argues, based on analysis of this radio station, that by suppressing clandestine radio through jamming signals and intimidating listeners, the government has inadvertently raised people's curiosity and made these stations more visible and more popular than they otherwise would have been. Further, it argues that Zimbabweans are not passive victims of state propaganda. Rather, they continue to devise new communicative spaces outside the dominant state media empire and access alternative viewpoints from an array of emerging platforms." (Abstract)
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"Peter Reddaway und neun weitere Autoren schauen ins das Archiv der Freiheit, das die osteuropäischen Bürgerrechtler mit ihren selbstverlegten Schriften anlegten. Sie entdecken substantielle Beiträge zur politischen Ideengeschichte des mündigen Bürgers. Sind im Zeitalter der wiedererstarkten po
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stsowjetischen Autokratien die Sozialen Netzwerke und die Blogs des RUnet auch ein solches Archiv der Freiheit? Dmitrij Golynko zweifelt, dass die atomisierten postsowjetischen Gesellschaften gerade im Internet geeint werden können, vier andere Autoren sind optimistischer." (https://www.hsozkult.de/journal/id/z6ann-104850)
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"This searching examination explores how the internet is threatening the rule of particularly repressive governments - including China, Cuba, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Syria. Addressing internet censorship, citizen journalism, and the growing popularity of blogging as a means for change, this in-dept
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h analysis provides unique insight into these cultures as well as the latest media technologies." (Publisher description)
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"This in-depth investigation of the role that local news media play in Central African conflicts combines theoretical analysis with case studies from nine African countries: Burundi, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, the Republi
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c of Congo, and Rwanda. Each case study presents a comprehensive discussion of media influences during the various conflicts that have spread in the region and their impact on the peace process. Enriching the exploration, a chapter by Jean- Paul Marthoz (former director of information at Human Rights Watch) focuses on the ways in which the media in the global North cover crises on the African continent." (About the book, page 287)
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"This study documents a crucial dimension of the resistance of Nigerian civil society to a repressive and monumentally corrupt military state in the late 1980s and 1990s in Nigeria. Employing a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, the study relates how a section of the media defied censorship laws,
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outright bans, incarceration and the assassination of opposition figures, to prosecute the struggle for democracy. It captures the tensions and contradictions between a pliant section of the media, which sought to legitimise the state and a critical section of the same media, which in alliance with radical civil society, invented rebellious outlets to carry on the struggle against dictatorship. The study seeks to make fresh departures by documenting not only the role of the national media in the throes of democratic struggle, but that of the international media whose role was influential in the years studied. Finally the report offers empirical proof of the mechanisms by which a vibrant civil society can curb the ravages of a predatory state in an African country." (Abstract)
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"Erstmalig im deutschen Sprachraum liegt mit diesem Buch eine umfassende Bestandsaufnahme aktueller und historischer Entwicklungen im Medienbereich des nordafrikanischen Staates vor. Mit einer vorsichtigen Öffnungspolitik hat Libyens Revolutionsführer Muammar al-Qadhafi das Land seit 2003 in den F
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okus des internationalen Interesses gerückt. Die Autorin analysiert, wie sich die Akteure des libyschen Mediensystems in diesem Prozess unter dem Einfluss globaler, traditioneller und spezifischer innenpolitischer Entwicklungen positionieren und zu einer Transformation sowohl des politischen als auch des Mediensystems beitragen können. In die Untersuchung wurden sowohl Printmedien als auch der Rundfunk, die Nachrichtenagentur und das Internet mit einbezogen. Die Autorin stellt in einem einführenden theoretischen Teil zunächst unterschiedliche Ansätze vor, mit denen Mediensysteme in der arabischen Welt und Transformationsprozesse bisher beleuchtet wurden. Aus diesen Versatzstücken entwickelt sie einen Analyserahmen, mit dem im empirischen Teil die Möglichkeiten und Rollen der Akteure im Transformationsprozess untersucht und klassifiziert werden. Dabei wird dezidiert auf die einzelnen in Libyen vorhandenen Mediengattungen eingegangen. Den größten Raum nehmen dabei die Printmedien ein, da sie im Gegensatz zum von Funktionären dominierten Rundfunk und der Nachrichtenagentur für Journalisten und Intellektuelle die meisten Nischen zu bieten scheinen. Das Internet wiederum wird als neues Medium in Libyen dargestellt, mit dem eine technikbegeistere junge Generation mit Rückendeckung von al-Qadhafi politische Spielräume erobern kann. Gleichzeitig bietet das Internet auch der Exilopposition einen Zugang zu ihrem Heimatland. Die Autorin beleuchtet deren Vorgehen und ihren eher geringen Einfluss auf das libysche Publikum. Ein historischer Abriss der Herausbildung des libyschen Mediensystems, verortet im innen- und außenpolitischen Kontext des Landes, sowie ein Kapitel zur aktuellen staatlichen Medienpolitik runden die Untersuchung ab." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"[...] tells the astonishing story of a bunch of Belgrade kids and their pirate radio station B92. B92 started in the late eighties with the naive desire to simply play music but ended up facing two wars, economic sanctions, violent police and government crackdowns, the attention of armed gangsters
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and neo-Nazi politicians, and ultimately became the focal point of a successful opposition movement against Slobodan Milosevic." (Back cover)
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