"Disputed Archival Heritage brings important new perspectives into the discourse on displaced archives. In contrast to shared or joint heritage framings, the book considers the implications of force, violence and loss in the displacement of archival heritage. With chapters from established and emerg
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ing scholars in the field of archival studies, Disputed Archival Heritage extends and enriches the conversation that started with the earlier volume, Displaced Archives. Advancing novel theories and methods for understanding disputes and claims over archives, the volume includes chapters that focus on Indigenous records in settler colonial states; literary and community archives; sub-national and private sector displacements; successes in repatriating formerly displaced archives; comparisons with cultural objects seized by colonial powers; and the relationship between repatriation and reparations. Analysing key concepts such as joint heritage and provenance, the contributors unsettle Western understandings of records, place and ownership." (Publisher description)
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"Bis heute hält sich der globale Norden für kompetent, Erwartungen an Afrika zu formulieren und dessen Entwicklungen zu bewerten Der Afrikawissenschaftler Arno Sonderegger zeichnet nach, wie Europäer aus imaginierter Überlegenheit heraus über Jahrhunderte den Sklavenhandel aus Afrika betrieben
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und den Kontinent in ausbeuterische frühkapitalistische Strukturen einbanden. Im 19. Jahrhundert legitimierten rassistische Theorien die europäische Kolonialherrschaft und rechtfertigten Missions- oder Forschungsreisen, die vor allem auf das vermeintlich ethisch Defizitäre oder Exotische afrikanischer Menschen abstellten. Nach 1945 veränderten sich unter dem Einfluss des Kalten Krieges, durch die panafrikanischen Bewegungen und den Prozess der Dekolonialisierung zwar die Beziehungen Europas zu Afrika, doch seien mit dem Neoliberalismus des ausgehenden 20. Jahrhunderts dort neue Formen ungleicher Machtverhältnisse entstanden. Viele Regionen und Gesellschaften auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent seien nach wie vor mit politischen, ökonomischen und sozialen Folgen der Kolonialherrschaft konfrontiert, die durch unterschiedliche Akteure instrumentalisiert würden. Vor allem aber, bilanziert Sonderegger, wirkten koloniale (Denk)muster überall dort nach, wo ein verzerrtes Bild der afrikanischen Geschichte und Gegenwart gezeichnet oder der Kontinent auf eine Statistenrolle in Weltpolitik und -wirtschaft verwiesen werde." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book explores Gandhi's engagement with print news media. It examines how Gandhi, the man and his message, negotiated with the sociopolitical circumstances of his milieu and the methods of communication that he adopted towards this end. It analyses the role that he played in building up alterna
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tive modes of communication in South Africa and India. This volume elucidates his interactions with the colonial communication order and his contestations of the same through various methods that included setting up new journals and newspapers and taking on the role of writer, journalist, editor, and publisher. It unveils Gandhi's engagement with mass media and print journalism, particularly concerning issues of conflict and conflict resolution, as well as social transformation right from his days in London to the last days of his life." (Publisher description)
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"This essay examines the history of the PAIGC radio station Rádio Libertação, broadcast from Conakry from 1967. The essay asks how to read the radio station today, and suggests we might see the radio station as a manifestation – albeit limited in scope and life span – of the commitment Amílc
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ar Cabral sketched out in his theoretical writings to collapsing the dichotomy between the practical-utilitarian and the poeticartistic. The essay reads the radio-magazine as a form that responded to the Portuguese colonial authorities’ information mania, but also as an heir to the journal cultures that sustained black internationalism in earlier decades. It takes the radio as a form in flux, emerging from and remediating the PAIGC’s print journal Libertação. The essay aims to show how the radio-magazine can help us understand the evolution of anticolonial debates about form, culture and society in the 1960s and 1970s." (Abstract)
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"Whereas France owned the second most important empire in the world in 1945, the colonial domination paradoxically leaned very little on radio broadcasting. It was not until 1954 that the French governement, under the impulsion of Pierre Schaeffer, inventor of the “musique concrète,” launched a
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strong effort to build an overseas broadcasting network. However, that lasting endeavor took place while the French African colonies went into a phase of quick evolution toward independence. It immediately challenged the radiophonic project that colonial authorities had designed and forced French and Africans stakeholders to adapt their strategy according to the new context." (Abstract)
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"Der Umgang mit der Kolonialgeschichte, die hierzulande lange im Schatten der Aufarbeitung des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust stand, unterliegt gegenwärtig einem grundlegenden Wandel. Zwar zählt auch Deutschland faktisch zu den postkolonialen Gesellschaften Europas, doch ist diese Tatsache
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kaum in das Bewusstsein der Menschen und in das Handeln der Politik vorgedrungen. Der Sammelband zieht Bilanz und will zugleich die notwendige Auseinandersetzung um eine Dekolonisierung globaler wie lokaler Machtverhältnisse und eine Dekolonialisierung der immer noch dominierenden Wissens- und Deutungsmacht des »Westens« anregen. Die aktuellen Debatten um den Völkermord an den Herero und Nama oder die koloniale Beutekunst im geplanten Humboldt Forum in Berlin richten den Fokus ein ums andere Mal auf eine koloniale Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In den Comicgeschichten werden drei Generationen antikolonialen Widerstands in Kamerun skizziert. Das zentralafrikanische Land war 35 Jahre lang deutsche Kolonie. Die Geschichten des kamerunischen Königs Duala Manga Bell, der Anlu-Rebellion der Kom-Frauen sowie des Aktivisten André Blaise Essama
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ermöglichen historisches Lernen aus einer antirassistischen Perspektive. Hier schreiben die Kolonialisierten Geschichte und wehren sich gegen das System von Unterdrückung, Gewalt und Ausbeutung. Ihre Kämpfe machen das Ausmaß der kolonialen Gewaltherrschaft deutlich und bieten einen Ausgangspunkt dafür, über das koloniale Erbe ins Gespräch zu kommen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Oft ging Kolonisation mit dem Raub von Kultur- und Kunstgütern der unterworfenen Bevölkerungen einher. Dabei wird das fremde Kulturerbe – abgeschnitten von seinen spirituellen und historischen Ursprüngen – meist in privaten Sammlungen oder Museen aufbewahrt. Die Objekte dienen als Statussymb
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ole, Kuriositäten und zur Spekulation. Zugleich wird die unterworfene Bevölkerung bewusst um symbolische Gegenstände gebracht, die ihrer kulturellen Identität Orientierung geben. Die Tatsache, dass ein Großteil des kulturellen Erbes Afrikas auf dem Territorium der ehemaligen europäischen Kolonialmächte gelagert wird – und damit für viele Afrikaner unzugänglich bleibt –, legt diese Mechanismen offen. In Frankreich hat Präsident Emmanuel Macron die lange bestehende Debatte, wie diese Güter zurückgegeben werden könnten, auf die staatliche Ebene gehoben. Felwine Sarr und Bénédicte Savoy wurden mit dem Verfassen eines „Berichts zur Restitution des afrikanischen Kulturerbes“ beauftragt. Das Buch ist eine gekürzte Version dieses Berichts und ein zentraler Beitrag innerhalb dieser Debatte, die auch in Deutschland an Bedeutung gewinnt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In one of the first cultural acts to follow independence in 1975, Frelimo's new socialist government of Mozambique set up a National Institute of Cinema (the INC). In a country where many people had little previous experience of cinema, the INC was tasked to "deliver to the people an image of the p
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eople". This book explores how this unique culture of revolutionary filmmaking began during the armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism. Following independence, the INC began the task of decolonising the film industry, building on networks of solidarity with other socialist and non-aligned struggles. Mozambique became an epicentre for militant filmmakers from around the world and cinema played an essential role in building the new nation. Crucially, the book examines how filmmaking became a resource for resistance against Apartheid as the Cold War played out across Southern Africa during the late 1970s and 1980s. Drawing on detailed film analysis, production histories and testimonies of key participants, Cinemas of the Mozambican Revolution provides a compelling account of this radical experiment in harnessing cinema to social change." (Publisher description)
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"This book rethinks the history of decolonisation and new nationhood in the Ghana-Togo borderlands, and speaks to an increasingly urgent debate on the production of knowledge about Africa. It does this through the close reading, translation and analysis of a unique primary source - a newspaper entit
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led Ablode (meaning 'the Key to Freedom'). Ablode was initiated and sustained by a shoemaker named Holiday V. K. Komedja, and written almost entirely in his mother-tongue, Eve. Whilst many studies of nationalism have highlighted the importance of anti-colonial newspapers, this volume is unique - in its intensive focus on a single African-language newspaper, in providing translations of entire issues, and in following the story of decolonisation into the era of new nationhood. The manner in which Komedja recounted and explained political events challenges existing scholarly accounts of the rise and fall of Togo's first independent government, and of ethnic nationalisms and local loyalties within new nation-states. In re-reading the history of the Ghana-Togo borderlands through the pages of Ablode, this volume demonstrates that intensive inter-disciplinary engagement with specific African-language texts is indispensable to the meaningful study of Africa and Africans in global history." (Publisher description)
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"India's State-run Media presents a new perspective on broadcasting by bringing together two neglected areas of research in media studies in India - the intertwined genealogies of sovereignty, public, religion, and nation in radio and television, and the spatiotemporal dynamics of broadcasting into
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a single analytic inquiry. It argues that the spatiotemporalities of broadcasting and the inter-relationships among the public, religion, and nation can be traced to an organizing concept that shaped India's late colonial and postcolonial histories - sovereignty. The book contends that studies of television have glossed over the meanings, experiences, and practices of the religious in televisual narratives and viewers' interpretations of television programs. Drawing on the philosophical writings of Paul Ricoeur and Michel Foucault, connecting their ideas with media, cultural, and religious studies, it examines cultural discourses, power relations, repertoire of meanings, social events, etc. in broadcasting in late colonial and postcolonial India." (Publisher description)
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"While the Kanaks’ pro-independence protests against French settlers have been extensively documented in the global media and academic literature, another protest – more subtle and diffused, but deeply embedded – is now taking place in New Caledonia (South Pacific) to decide whether to remain
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in the French Republic or become independent in a referendum between 2014 and 2019. This article suggests that there is a polarisation in the New Caledonian media sphere that deeply affects journalistic practices. Drawing on data collected from archival research, participant observation and interviews conducted at both the metropolitan daily newspaper, Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes, and the pro-independence radio station, Radio Djiido, this article demonstrates how local journalists problematically navigate and, often, contest diverse sociocultural values, practices and principles prevailing at different times and places/spaces, creating a deep division in the New Caledonian media sphere." (Abstract)
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"The fortieth anniversary of the independence of the African countries colonized by Portugal presents a valuable opportunity to reassess how colonialism has been «imagined» through the medium of the moving image. The essays collected in this volume investigate Portuguese colonialism and its filmic
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and audio-visual imaginaries both during and after the Estado Novo regime, examining political propaganda films shot during the liberation wars and exploring the questions and debates these generate. The book also highlights common aspects in the emergence of a national cinema in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. By reanimating (and decolonizing) the archive, it represents an important contribution to Portuguese colonial history, as well as to the history of cinema and the visual arts." (Publisher description)
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"This book provides a fresh perspective on the importance of the Hindi media in India's political, social and economic transformation with evidence from the countryside and the cities. Accessed by more than forty percent of the public, it continues to play an important role in building political awa
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reness and mobilising public opinion. Instead of viewing the media as a singular entity, this book highlights its diversity and complexity to understand the changing dynamics of political communication that is shaped by the interactions between the news media, political parties and the public, and how various media forms are being used in a rapidly transforming environment. The book offers insights into how print, television, and digital media work together with, rather than in isolation from, each another to grasp the complexities of the emerging hybrid media environment and the future of mobilisation." (Publisher description)
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"In der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jhs. baute Deutschland ein weites Kolonialreich auf. Dass dieser Teil der deutschen Geschichte heute oft vergessen ist, hängt mit dem frühen Verlust der Kolonien nach der Niederlage im Westen Weltkrieg zusammen. Kolonialgeschichte aber ist ein zentraler Teil einer g
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emeinsamen Geschichte von Europa und dem 'Rest der Welt'. Die Ausstellung in Berlin thematisiert Herrschaftspraxis und wirtschaftliche Ausbeutung sowie den Umgang mit der einheimischen Bevölkerung bis hin zum Völkermord. Forschungsreisen und christliche Missionierung spielen ebenso eine Rolle wie das Schicksal von in 'Völkerschauen' gezeigten Afrikanern." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Many individuals were involved in the Belgian Congo's attainment of independence. Born in 1931, Mwissa Camus, the dean of Congolese journalists, is one of them. Even though he was opposed to this idea and struggled to maintain his status as member of a certain ‘elite’, his career sheds light on
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the advancement of his country towards independence in June 1960. By following his professional career in the years preceding independence, we can see how his development illuminates the emergence of journalism in the Congo, the social position of Congolese journalists, and the ambivalence of their position towards the emancipation process. The road taken by Mwissa Camus – as an actor, witness, extra, and somehow instrument of the events that shook his country – helps understand the Congo's move towards independence from a particular perspective. History – that of a hurried independence, blatantly unprepared, on which a small elite failed to agree – is revealed through his words and the unveiling of his ‘world.’ This article is essentially based on interviews with Mwissa Camus and on Congolese newspaper articles from 1959, 1960 and 1961." (Abstract)
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"Cinema and Development in West Africa shows how the film industry in Francophone West African countries played an important role in executing strategies of nation building during the transition from French rule to the early postcolonial period. James E. Genova sees the construction of African ident
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ities and economic development as the major themes in the political literature and cultural production of the time. Focusing on film both as industry and aesthetic genre, he demonstrates its unique place in economic development and provides a comprehensive history of filmmaking in the region during the transition from colonies to sovereign states." (Publisher description)
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"This thesis operates from the observation that "Decolonising the Mind", i.e. a cultural decolonisation process, was needed after the independence of African countries to support and flesh out political decolonisation. Culture, as shown, played a major role in the mobilisation of support for nationa
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list movements, but after independence nationalist culture was just one among many. In both cases presented here, the most pressing issue after political independence was how to deal with the different identities that had previously existed and were onyl partially cushioned by political and cultural nationalism. Now that the political kingdom had been attained, the different language, cultural and political groups started to ask questions about their place in this kingdom. Although many politicians shared the idea that "once you have a national identity, the question of culture becomes something which flows automatically", it soon turned out to be misguided. Media and education were seen to be the major tools in "decolonising the mind". However, a close analysis of the electronic media in the two cases presented here shows that the policies for promoting national unity in programmes were largely ineffective. Instead, radio programmes, both before and after independence, provided a space to negotiate issues of national identity. This space was sometimes more, sometimes less restricted, but listeners used it as much as they could.
Colonial media had, for all their focus on political control and censorship, accompanied and mediated social change. As described, this happened specifically in cultural programmes, where broadcasters were much freer in their work. However, Northern Rhodesian media were supposed to work as a catalyst to further the process of modernisation, and to help its listeners come to terms with the transition from being 'traditional' to becoming 'modern' Africans. In the Apartheid broadcasting system, culture was used consciously to construct a specific 'ethnic' identity, emphasising cultural traditions of the different language groups. But while the intentions were different, both broadcasting institutions were at the centre of negotiating ideas of tradition and modernity.
Both were also established because there was a need to legitimate the respective political system. Be it the Central African Federation or a 'democratic' "South West Africa/ Namibia", the political models promoted by the authorities could not just be imposed on the people. The radios were established to give reality to these constructs, to make listeners identify with a social, political and cultural space that had been defined by colonial authorities. As shown, colonial ideologies not only surfaced in obvious propaganda programmes but also significantly determined the technical and managerial setup of the stations. While radio infrastructure was formed and reformed to structure that space – by linking three territories with different political and social power structures or, following Apartheid ideology, by assigning each language group their own space according to the homeland system – culturally as well as geographically. As shown, infrastructure mirrored the proposed political models, not just in its technical aspects (i.e., the stations' footprints, transmitting posts and frequencies), but also in management structure. As the Federal Broadcasting Services were subdivided in European and African Services, respectively catering for the whole White or Black population of all three territories, the South West African Broadcasting Corporation separated first Black and White, then subdivided the three Departments in the several language Services, each broadcasting to the designated "homeland". This infrastructure not only formed the whole process of programme production and reception but was also part of it as it imparted ideological considerations. The first order of business for independent countries was therfore to restructure the radio according to the needs of the new nations." (Conclusion, page 274-275)
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