"The central objective of this volume has been to show that legislation against hate speech in the EU may be an effective first step towards combatting the phenomenon, but it might not be adequate on its own to contain the present situation. This is because hate speech has multiple ways of being exp
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ressed. In this volume, we have identified several strategies of Othering that can be used to express such an unfavourable position towards members of a minority: categorisation and stereotyping, hate concealed as patriotism, metaphorical language, sarcasm, allusions and constructed dialogue can all be ‘subtle’ ways in which discrimination emerges in public discourse. And while we are not in a position, as linguists, to suggest that such strategies belong to the category of prosecutable hate speech, we think that it is safe to assume that they do form part of what we have dubbed soft hate speech." (Concluding remarks, page 87)
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"Die vorliegende Studie gliedert sich in einen einführenden Teil, in dem das Phänomen Hate Speech dargestellt ist, und einen empirischen Teil, in dem Äußerungen mit thematischen Bezug zu „Gender“, „Homosexualität“ sowie „Flucht und Islam“ im kirchlichen und diakonischen Rahmen analy
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siert werden. Die anschließenden Kapitel beinhalten eine übergreifende Interpretation der Analyseergebnisse und bieten einen Rahmen zur Einordnung der Hasskommentare und den damit verbundenen Argumentationsstrukturen. Das nun folgende dritte Kapitel beschreibt den Weg vom Phänomen Hate Speech und dem in der Studie zugrunde liegenden Begriffsverständnis bis zu den Zielen und Forschungsanliegen dieses Projekts. Welche Daten zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfragen analysiert werden und welche spezifischen Merkmale sie aufweisen, ist Inhalt des vierten Kapitels. Darauf folgen in Kapitel 5 eine theoretische Einbettung, eine Erläuterung der methodischen Grundlagen und des Forschungsdesigns sowie eine Darstellung der Typisierung des Datenmaterials und des Aufbaus des Kategoriensystems. Im sechsten Kapitel sind in den drei thematischen Abschnitten „Gender“, „Homosexualität“ und „Flucht und Islam“ die zentralen, deskriptiven Befunde der qualitativen Analysen hinsichtlich der unterschiedlichen Formen von Hate Speech systematisch dargestellt. Anschließend ordnen wir diese Resultate im siebten Kapitel in den Bereich Diversität ein, zeichnen die Dynamik von Hate Speech und Kommentar-Verläufen nach, bündeln Erkenntnisse, diskutieren welche Erkenntnisse diese im Hinblick auf Kirche und Diakonie bringen und bieten einige theologische Ansatzpunkte zur Weiterarbeit. Dabei werden die relevanten Argumentationsstrukturen zusammenfassend erläutert. Zudem leiten wir Kriterien zur Einordnung einer degradierenden Sprachhandlung ab und erörtern die Möglichkeiten einer Abgrenzung von Hate Speech. Im Anschluss daran erfolgen in Kapitel 8 sowohl eine Reflexion der Studienergebnisse als auch ein Ausblick auf weiterführende Forschungsfragen." (Seite 17-18)
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"Esta guía elaborada por la Fundación Secretariado Gitano (FSG) tiene como objetivo principal ofrecer orientaciones a las organizaciones que trabajan por la igualdad de trato y la no discriminación, a agentes clave y a la ciudadanía, sobre qué es el discurso de odio y cómo combatirlo más efic
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azmente." (Introducción)
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"The aim of this report is to illustrate, on the basis of online hate speech examples from six countries - Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain -, patterns of cyber hate against four communities. The topics that will be subsequently analysed are: antisemitism, antiziganism, h
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omophobia and anti-Muslim hatred. Each section will follow a similar pattern by first offering a definition of the central terms, analysing the context and transnational trends and then highlighting country-specific aspects. The label "country specific" should not imply that those aspects are in any way country exclusive. However, they show different emphasis and peculiarities in the participating countries. This transnational analysis is complemented by national reports de-tailing the information and cases provided by the participating organisations." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Adama Dieng and Simona Cruciani articulate how hate speech is defined, and draw out its possible consequences. Dieng makes the distinction between hate speech and incitement. Incitement is a very dangerous form of hate speech that can trigger violence and, in some instances, atrocity crimes and eve
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n genocide. He makes a distinction between a person standing on a street corner who may say vile, racist things, but such invective will not have the same impact as the words spoken by a national leader who calls for violence against a particular group at a time when political tensions are high. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) states that, "Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law."' Hate speech and its uses to incite hostility and violence is escalating in many parts of the world, increasingly spread over social media. Dieng and Cruciami discuss the many initiatives within the United Nations system aimed at countering hate speech and incitement, underscoring how seriously the organization takes this form of expression." (Introduction to part 1, page 11)
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"WE CAN! is the latest addition to our toolbox against hate. The most damaging examples of hate speech are often grounded in simple stories, which are repeated over and over again in different forms. The migrants “taking our jobs” narrative, for example. Or the consistent claim, made by radicals
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, that Islam is “under attack”. Such narratives often remain unchallenged, either because they have become commonplace, or because they are delivered in sophisticated ways. This manual will therefore help young people and educators confront, dismantle and replace hateful narratives. There are no short-cuts: the reader will not find in these pages a single statement, slogan, meme or caricature to counter all hate speech. You will, however, be guided in identifying the dangerous story-telling that chips away at our communities. Even more importantly, you will find tried and tested methods to propose powerful alternatives. Not simply telling different stories, but building and deploying more truthful accounts of the world around us which encourage others to challenge prejudice and think critically, and which deepen our knowledge and understanding of one and other." (Preface)
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"The Saudi state has permitted government-appointed religious scholars and clerics and government institutions to refer to religious minorities such as Shia in derogatory terms or demonize them in official documents and religious rulings. In addition, in recent years, government-appointed clerics ha
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ve used the internet and social media to demonize and incite hatred against Shia Muslims and others who do not conform to their views. “They are Not Our Brothers”, is based on an analysis of Saudi clerics’ fatwas and statements, court rulings, and the 2016-17 Ministry of Education religion curriculum. The report documents Saudi religious officials’ incitement to hatred and discrimination; anti-Shia bias in the Saudi criminal judicial system; and the religion curriculum’s use of anti-Shia rhetoric. The report shows how such speech is instrumental in Saudi Arabia’s enforcement of a system of discrimination against Saudi Shia citizens. The report calls on the Saudi authorities to take immediate steps to end the use of hate speech by state-affiliated clerics and governmental agencies. The authorities should also end anti-Shia bias in the justice system, allow Shia to freely practice their religious beliefs on an equal basis with Sunni citizens, and reform the education curriculum to remove anti-Shia elements." (Back cover)
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"Menschenfeindliche und rassistische Äußerungen (Hate Speech) gegenüber religiösen und ethnischen Gruppen im Internet haben sich weltweit massiv ausgebreitet. Das Internet ist weniger ein Ort der multikulturellen Begegnung als des aggressiven Kulturkampfes mit weitreichenden Folgen für gesellsc
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haftliches Handeln von der Diskriminierung bis zur fremdenfeindlichen Gewalt. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschäftigt sich in konzentrierter Form mit unterschiedlichen politikwissenschaftlichen, soziologischen und kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Erklärungsversuchen für die Ursachen der Hasskommunikation. Abgerundet wird der Beitrag durch eine Reflexion über ethische und co-regulative Maßnahmen in einer wehrhaften liberalen Demokratie." (Abstract)
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"This European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) contribution to the second Annual Colloquium on Fundamental Rights provides a snapshot of manifestations of incitement in media content and political discourse against different groups in EU member states. It outlines the European and internat
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ional legal framework governing such cases, substantiated by relevant case law examples. Highlighting that members of minority groups perceive the prevailing social climate as condoning racism, xenophobia and intolerance, this FRA paper underlines the need for EU institutions and Member States to address the effect incitement can have on the population groups it targets." (Page 1)
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"Contrary to dominant views within international law and institutions, it is never democratically legitimate to punish citizens solely for repulsive or dangerous viewpoints expressed within public discourse. With the controversial exception of the US, however, most states prohibit some forms of raci
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st, sexist, anti-religious, homophobic, or other intolerant speech. Hateful expression surely does afflict many of the people it targets. Most democracies therefore describe bans as—perhaps not always effective, but certainly symbolic—tools for defending the safety and equality of all citizens. Democracies must certainly promote pluralism, then, through comprehensive non-discrimination policies governing education, employment, and access to goods and services. States must promote values of equal citizenship through primary schooling and public interest campaigns, and must support models of best practice within the mass media. It is also legitimate for states to punish hate speech promulgated outside public discourse, as in situations involving harassment or so-called ‘fighting words’. Hate speech bans may even offer legitimate means of enhancing state security in unstable situations, as have at times arisen, for example, in India, Israel, Northern Ireland, or transitional democracies. Hate speech bans may genuinely enhance elements of state security, then, but they never enhance its democracy. We have overlooked that distinction through our failure to distinguish the three very distinct spheres of security, rights, and democracy. Those security or rights-based criteria which legitimate a state as a state are not the same as those which legitimate it as a democracy." (Publisher description)
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"Outbreaks of religious intolerance are usually assumed to be visceral and spontaneous. But in 'Hate Spin', Cherian George shows that they often involve sophisticated campaigns manufactured by political opportunists to mobilize supporters and marginalize opponents. Right-wing networks orchestrate th
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e giving of offense and the taking of offense as instruments of identity politics, exploiting democratic space to promote agendas that undermine democratic values. George calls this strategy “hate spin”—a double-sided technique that combines hate speech (incitement through vilification) with manufactured offense-taking (the performing of righteous indignation). It is deployed in societies as diverse as Buddhist Myanmar and Orthodox Christian Russia. George looks at the world's three largest democracies, where intolerant groups within India's Hindu right, America's Christian right, and Indonesia's Muslim right are all accomplished users of hate spin. He also shows how the Internet and Google have opened up new opportunities for cross-border hate spin." (Publisher description)
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"Instead of seeking to provide an objective definition of hate speech, the paper’s empirical approach highlights that context matters. More specifically, analysis of the political and socio-economic context in which the speech act occurs and consideration of the nature of the speaker and audience
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– including their impact and transmission – allows for a nuanced and informed approach to evaluate hate speech, and how this impacts democratisation processes. The paper presents: a general discussion of freedom of speech and its relationship with hate speech; a brief discussion on the definitions of hate speech and international legislation; a short discussion of hate speech in the four country contexts of the MeCoDEM project: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa." (Executive summary)
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"Key findings include: The Internet can play a role in the radicalisation process; There are few examples of individuals radicalising entirely online, but there are signs that this could increase over time; There is less evidence of the internet’s role in recruitment to terrorist networks or the u
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se of violence – offline socialisation remains of pivotal importance; Groups such as Al Qaeda, Islamic State (IS) and Al-Shabaab have sophisticated online presences, comprising of online media organisations, mother sites feeding content to others, and a large number of other websites and forums maintained by the wider network; Extremists are making more use of social media, and its importance is likely to grow. It is especially important in allowing women to play a larger role in networks; Extremists use the internet for operational purposes, including communication and the coordination of attacks." (Overview, page 2)
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"This project aims to address a clear practical and methodological gap that exists in current efforts to tackle hate speech and its effects on communities in conflict zones—namely, how do we identify and contextualize the particular kind of language that’s likely to cause violence? Rather than a
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ssessing the existence or prevalence of hate speech language, this project instead examines terms and their use in a particular country context. To successfully monitor and counter hate speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, or even potentially dangerous. Therefore, PeaceTech Lab has produced this lexicon of terms used online during a particular period of South Sudanese conflict that began in December 2013 in order to analyze how they contributed to the conflict. This initiative also seeks to identify alternative language that would mitigate or counter the impact of this speech on the conflict and thereby help build peace in the country. Finally, this resource intends to inform other individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and countering hate speech in South Sudan—and potentially elsewhere—so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"Since 2010, Facebook has become a battleground between competing political camps in Thailand. Facebook groups like the Social Sanction group, tellingly abbreviated as SS, and the Rubbish Collector Organization, which was founded in 2014 and has attracted more than 200,000 members, have played a cru
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cial role in the process of political radicalization. The aim of these groups is to expose political opponents by accusing them of lèse-majesté, which can result in a prison sentence of 15 years or more. The groups also serve as fora for hate speech and are increasingly used as a tool of mobilization for state-sponsored mass events by the authoritarian regime that came to power with the coup d’état of May 2014. Contrary to its popular perception as a tool for democratization, Facebook has been successfully used by political groups reminiscent of fascist vigilante groups. This paper analyses the genesis of these groups and discusses the phenomenon in a broader political and historical context." (Abstract)
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"We analyzed more than 13,000 statements during the project. This report primarily builds on the statements that were collected between 24 February and 24 June 2015, three months before and one month after the parliamentary elections that took place in Ethiopia on 24 May 2015. FINDING 1 - Hate and d
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angerous speech are marginal forms of speech in social media. Only 0.4% of statements in our sample have been classified as hate speech (i.e. speech that incites others to discriminate or act against individuals or groups based on their ethnicity, religion, or gender) and 0.3% as dangerous speech (i.e. speech that builds the bases for or directly calls for widespread violence against a particular group) [...] FINDING 2 - The elections on Facebook were a “non-event” - they were broadly discussed, but there was widespread disillusionment. Most Ethiopian Facebook pages discussed the elections, but many statements either directly referred to, or seemed informed by, the perception that the outcome of the elections was already predetermined, with low levels of suspense and low expectations on the part of online users [...] FINDING 3 - Dangerous speech is a distinctive and more deliberate form of attacking other groups or individuals. When compared to hate speech, as well as to other types of messages, dangerous speech reflects a more deliberate strategy to attack individuals and groups. Almost all dangerous statements in our sample are uttered by individuals seeking to hide their identity (92%). This proportion is significantly lower for statements classified as hate speech (33%) and offensive speech (31%) [...] FINDING 4 - The political, social and cultural views reflected in social media in Ethiopia are less polarized than might be expected ..." (Executive summary)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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"This non-paper aims to facilitate the OSCE participating states in formulating national and international law and policy toward the current spread of propaganda intertwined with the conflict in and around Ukraine. It distinguishes two sorts of propaganda in the contemporary world. The first is call
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ed propaganda for war and hatred; it demands legal action with appropriate measures in accordance with international human rights law. The second type of propaganda combines all its other faces. It may be against professional standards of journalism, but does not necessarily violate international law. This non-paper reviews OSCE and other international commitments in regard to hateful international propaganda in the context of the obligations of the participating States on freedom of expression and freedom of the media. The particular focus lies on the relation between Article 19 (on freedom of expression) and Article 20 (on banning war propaganda and incitement to hatred) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and its interpretations by the UN Human Rights Committee (UNHRC)." (Executive summary)
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"With a focus on online hate speech, protection of journalism sources, the role of internet intermediaries in fostering freedom online, and the safety of journalists, the report highlights the importance of new actors in promoting and protecting freedom of expression online and off-line." (Back cove
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r)
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