"This article scrutinizes Russian state-run TV narratives over critical junctures – before the 2013 Euromaidan protests, the annexation of Crimea in 2014, and the periods leading up to and following the 2022 invasion – to illuminate how political agendas, historical narratives, and public percep
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tion intersect. The authors reveal the Russian political elite’s strategic shaping of narratives, influencing collective memory and swaying public opinion on the Ukraine crisis. The significance of the conflict narrative and Russia’s position is underscored, as reflected in the evolving structure of news broadcasts. The image of Russian leaders as capable and reliable is amplified during conflicts, while Ukrainian counterparts are persistently portrayed negatively. The media constructs an identity narrative that elevates Russian leaders and disparages Western counterparts post-crisis, mirroring geopolitical tensions. The framing of Ukraine’s narrative with WWII terminology is analyzed, highlighting attempts to deflect blame onto the West. This comprehensive study elucidates the subtle complexities of media narratives and their pivotal role in geopolitics and international relations." (Abstract)
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"Am 18. Februar 1943 hielt Reichspropagandaminister Joseph Goebbels eine Rede im Berliner Sportpalast, die heute als eine der bekanntesten politischen Reden der deutschen Geschichte und zugleich als warnendes Beispiel für den manipulativen Erfolg nationalsozialistischer Propaganda gilt. Die Rede ku
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lminierte in zehn rhetorischen Fragen, die der Redner an sein Publikum richtete. Auf die Frage "Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg?" reagierten die Anwesenden mit markantem Getöse und Applaus, was sich ins kollektive Gedächtnis Deutschlands eingebrannt hat. Der Historiker Peter Longerich beleuchtet die weniger bekannte Vor- sowie Nachgeschichte der Rede. Er zeigt auf, dass ihr bereits ein länger währendes Bemühen des Propagandaministers vorausging, seinen Einfluss auf die deutsche Kriegsführung zu erweitern und seine Strategie eines "totalen Krieges" gegen abweichende Vorstellungen in der nationalsozialistischen Führung durchzusetzen. Auf offene Ohren bei Hitler traf er damit jedoch erst nach der verlorenen Schlacht von Stalingrad und weiteren verheerenden Kriegsniederlagen. Zwar deutete Goebbels seine Rede als propagandistischen Erfolg, aber die zeitgenössischen Kommentatoren im In- und Ausland teilten, wie Longerich darlegt, diese Auffassung keineswegs einhellig." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"On March 9, 2022, the maternity and children’s hospital number 3 in Mariupol, Ukraine, was bombed as part of Russia’s full-scale war efforts in Ukraine. However, Russian statealigned media promoted a different narrative: namely, that the bombing itself, as well as the victims on site, were fake
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. Thus, combining concerns of war, gender, and disinformation, I analytically unfold the state-aligned news media coverage of the Mariupol case in Russia within the framework of multimodal critical discourse analysis. The analysis demonstrates how female agents are stripped of victimhood and symbolically annihilated across the material, introducing the concept of false agency. Meanwhile, the experts in the coverage are solely male and predominantly Russian, pointing to an intersectional and unequal divide based on gender and nationality. Moreover, the analysis illuminates how fact-checking is used as a deliberate tool to legitimize the disinformative coverage within the discourse of information warfare in Russian state-aligned media." (Abstract)
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"Während innerhalb Russlands das Verbot kritischer Medien und die Gleichschaltung der verstaatlichten Sender eine beinahe karikaturhafte Erzählung über traditionelle Werte und die Notwendigkeit der "Militärischen Spezialoperation" hervorbringen, arbeiten sorgfältig geplante Propagandaaktionen i
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m Rest der Welt an der Destabilisierung demokratischer Gesellschaften. Ein planmäßiger Wahnsinn überzieht das Land. Er zeigt sich in inflationär gebrauchten Euphemismen und Hassrede, als Denunziation und in einem bis ins Subtilste durchdachten Strafregime. Und es ist ein Wahnsinn mit Geschichte. Denn die Gewalt, die die russische Gesellschaft unerbittlich im Griff hat, ist eine Fortführung der paranoiden Suche nach Feinden, der nächtlichen Verhaftungen, Durchsuchungen und Folterungen sowie der Gulags aus dem Sowjetregime - in grellem, neuem Gewand und verschmolzen mit dem Gangstertum der Neunzigerjahre. "Der Comic in der Mitte zeugt von bitterem Humor. Der Ernst der Lage zeigt sich im Text, der so einige Rätsel löst, die sich seit dem russischen Überfall auf die Ukraine angestaut haben. Irina Rastorgueva seziert die Gesellschaft, indem sie die Sprache analysiert. Was sie Pop-up-Propaganda nennt, ist eine Art LTI für Putins Russland, eine Bestandsaufnahme diktatorischen Sprechens in dem Sinne, wie Victor Klemperer es einst tat" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In February 2022, Russia began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The relevant narrative articulated by Vladimir Putin presented it as a short-term mission of military professionals. However, as the war continued, the situation at the front required complicated decisions that the initial narrative w
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as not able to cover. This article analyses the core transformations of the Russian narrative on the war in Ukraine. Appealing to the strategic narrative concept, this article suggests a framework for assessing the narrative’s viability. The author reveals that, although the current modified narrative is not able to provide a clear and coherent explanation corresponding to people’s lived experiences, it is still effective due to the following reasons. First, it is built on and perceived within an intuitively familiar discursive landscape that has been promoted for decades. Second, the external prerequisites of the viability, such as the scale of its articulation through propaganda or existing opportunities to perceive alternative narratives, remain strong. Thus, it is likely that most of the rational argumentation in the narrative will be further replaced by its sacralization, and the information isolation will be continuously reinforced." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the war discourse on Russian television, particularly in political talk show broadcasts aired after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The question of how the two conflicting parties, Russia and Ukraine, are portrayed verbally and visually in these shows is s
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pecifically emphasized. While the quantitative analysis traces a massive increase in Russian talk show broadcasts since the beginning of the war, the Critical Discourse Analysis demonstrates which strategies are utilized to demonise and defame the Ukrainian side and to legitimise the war. By comparing the current war discourse with the Ukraine discourse in 2014, this study shows that talk shows have undertaken a significant role in supporting the war and have become a puissant didactic tool to influence and manipulate public opinion by perennially repeating key governmental messages and efficiently orchestrating all visual, verbal, and non-verbal means at their disposal." (Abstract)
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"Der Beitrag analysiert die Berichterstattung über den Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine in den russischen Teilrepubliken Tatarstan und Baschkortostan, welche sich beide durch die starke Präsenz von turksprachigen Bevölkerungsgruppen auszeichnen. Die Medienanalyse ergab, dass die Berichterstattung
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Propagandafunktionen erfüllt. Die militärischen Freiwilligenverbände nehmen dabei eine zentrale Rolle ein." (Zusammenfassung, Seite 13)
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"This report highlights adaptations and innovations by Ukrainians in their struggle against Moscow’s disinformation machine. As part of the project, the International Forum on Democratic Studies conducted more than fifty expert interviews and hosted a series of convenings with experts from Ukraine
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and across Europe which inform the analysis. Companion essays—one from Ukraine, the other from Central Europe—provide more context and details on the ways in which locally based organizations are learning to meet the challenge. The research identified three advantages—deep preparation, open networks of cooperation, and active utilization of new technology—that have allowed civil society organizations and governments in Ukraine and Central and Eastern Europe to build trust and tell Ukraine’s story, unite Ukrainians and their allies, and ensure resilience in the face of authoritarian disinformation campaigns." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"This volume aims to deepen understanding of the dynamic intersections of war and media in the rapidly transforming media ecology and the reordered geopolitical context. The volume examines the ways in which the digital media and communication environment is involved in and shape the war in Ukraine.
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The chapters in the volume analyse expanding mesh of media-from mainstream broadcasting and press to social media platforms, and the latest digital technologies and addresses four key themes: media infrastructures and the interplay between platforms, technologies, institutions and civic actors; open-source intelligence contributing to (dis)information about the war; the everyday life of war performed and documented on social media; and different interplays between the local and the global in the news coverage of the war." (Publisher description)
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"Propaganda has been an age-old part of warmongering. It is thus no surprise that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was preceded by, and continues to be fuelled by, propaganda transmitted by state-controlled Russian media. What is more unusual about the Russian (dis)information campaigns is the sheer
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volume of distorted narratives or complete fictional accounts about the conflict. This article explores the content and technologies of Russian information manipulation of domestic audiences in the context of the invasion of Ukraine. We also examine the bases for the sustained robust public support for the war within Russia during the first 12 months of the conflict, despite being based on mostly fabricated (dis)information. Relying on political psychology and communication theory we explain how emotions and associative memories have played an important role in the Russian public's sustained approval to the war. Our findings point to that in the absence of contrasted and independently-verified information, the volume, frequency, emotional intensity of slick, plug-and-play media packages on Ukraine have acted to displace and distort the average Russian's associative social monitoring processes." (Abstract)
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"This article offers a qualitative analysis of how, by adopting identity-related discourses whose meanings resonate within a given culture, Russian state propaganda strives to bolster “the truth status” of its Ukraine war claims. These discourses, we argue, have long historical lineages and thus
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are expected to be familiar to audiences. We identify three such discourses common in many contexts but with specific resonances in Russia, those of colonialism/decolonization, imperialism, and the imaginary West. The article demonstrates that these same discourses also inform war-related coverage in Russophone oppositional media. Russian state-affiliated and oppositional actors further share “floating signifiers,” particularly “the Russian people,” “historical Russia,” “the Russian world,” “Ukraine,” “fascism/Nazism,” and “genocide,” while according them radically different meanings. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of studying how state propaganda works at the level of discourses, and the acutely dialogical processes by which disinformation and counter-disinformation efforts are produced and consumed." (Abstract)
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"Deception and media manipulation have always been an integral part of wartime propaganda. But never before has it been so easy to create high-quality fabrications of images as well as sound and video recordings. The tendency to react emotionally to these media opens up a whole new possibility for a
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buse by their creators. A call to surrender by President Volodymyr Zelensky, which was immediately exposed as a deepfake, is the first attempt to use the new technology in an armed conflict. The quality of such fabrications is improving, detecting them is becoming increasingly complex and there is no end in sight to these developments. Banning deepfakes would be futile. It is therefore time to look at current and potential applications and possible counter-strategies." (Page 1)
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"The topic of the war in Ukraine dominated the media during the first three months of the war and completely marginalized all other topics. The most foreign actor reported on most in the media was Russia, while the countries of the West, the US, the EU, and NATO were far less noticeable. Although th
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e initial open support for Russia has softened since the beginning of the war, the media continue to report in favour of Russia, and against the West. Television stations with national coverage (especially their morning news programmes), as well as parts of the daily press, are at the forefront of supporting Russia. Internet portals have a more balanced approach. Among state officials, President Vucic has monopolized the discussions of the war in Ukraine, and he is the person most credited in the media for establishing Serbia's neutral stance on this issue. Disinformation in the media is placed in such a way as to present Russia in a positive light, and the West negatively. Disinformation was most prevalent on internet portals and the printed edition of Vecernje novosti, the daily Informer, and television stations Pink and Happy." (Key findings)
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"This paper will outline the technologies and mechanisms of Putin's information machine, how it operates during the war and the obstacles to anti-war propaganda among Russians. At the very end, we will offer some recommendations for confronting Putin's information machine at war, both of a general n
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ature and relating to specific groups of Russian society." (Page 3)
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"Since Syrians took to the streets more than 11 years ago demanding freedom from decades of dictatorship, the Syrian regime has used violence and disinformation as tools to silence those who dare to oppose it, especially those brave enough to expose the war crimes being committed. Civilians, doctors
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, humanitarians and human rights defenders have all faced real-life consequences of online harms. Their experiences are testament to the deadly cost of disinformation. Although there is a trove of evidence of torture, chemical weapons use, and the indiscriminate and targeted bombing of civilians, a relatively small number of conspiracy theorists – sometimes aided by a Russian-backed disinformation campaign, other times inspired by Russia’s disinformation talking points – have managed to distort the facts, endanger people’s lives, and cast long shadows of doubt over policy debates on Syria; in some cases stalling political action by the international community when it was sorely needed. New data gathered and analysed by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) for this report shows that disinformation about the conflict in Syria has created a dangerous ecosystem that permeates beyond the online bubble of social media and impacts both lives and government policies in the real world. The disinformation campaign has been devastating for those who are brave enough to risk everything to document human rights violations, as well as for survivors of chemical attacks. The unprecedented use of social media in the Syria conflict shed new light on the evolution of information warfare. Indeed, the war in Syria was the first major conflict to be played out online, creating what researchers have dubbed "a dangerous illusion of unmediated information flows." (Page 2)
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"In this essay, I explore the nature of propaganda in a hybrid media environment through the example of Russian propaganda during the ongoing war in Ukraine. I start by briefly overviewing the Russian media system’s development, focusing on the roots of cynical attitude toward journalism in the so
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ciety. After analyzing propaganda strategies, I suggest the propaganda on demand concept, which describes the manipulation of public opinion by targeting different social milieus with specif-ically tailored narratives. In Russia’s case, this approach is based on inconsistency and eclecticism. However, it seems well suited to the very logic of the digital realm, which helps the state deliver often-contradicting narratives to different target groups." (Abstract)
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"This paper offers a critical overview of anti-war propaganda in the Russian language during the first six months of the war and identifies the reasons for its limited success. After a review of the challenges to current forms of propaganda, the paper offers practical recommendations to improve the
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work in this area." (Page 3)
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"The publication analyzes the emerging trends of foreign authoritarian-state disinformation in the context of the war in Ukraine in a comparative manner focusing on 7 states of Southeast Europe (Bulgaria, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania). It examines
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the continuities and evolution in Russia’s strategies, channels and narratives for disseminating disinformation since the Kremlin’s invasion of Ukraine and the extent to which other foreign authoritarian states -Turkey, the Gulf states, Iran, have amplified Russian propaganda. The research further traces the personal and institutional pathways through which China has been able to establish its media foothold in Southeast European countries. The report offers policy recommendations for safeguarding democracy and media freedom in the Balkans against the ever-increasing pressures from authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"Wie wird Propaganda im Medium Fernsehen im 21. Jahrhundert gemacht und welche Strategien werden dafür verwendet? Diesen Fragen geht die vorliegende Studie nach, indem sie die mediale Berichterstattung in Russland über den Konflikt in der Ukraine im Jahr 2014 untersucht. Im Fokus stehen russische
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TV-Talkshows, welche neben den Nachrichtensendungen ein besonders effektives Mittel zur Meinungsmanipulation und Verbreitung bestimmter Informationen sind. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil definiert den Betriff Propaganda und führt bisherige Untersuchungen zum Krieg in der Ukraine an. Der zweite Teil dokumentiert die Ereignisse des Jahres 2014 und stellt das russische Fernsehen sowie die TV-Talkshow als Forschungsgegenstand vor. Im dritten Teil folgt eine umfassende quantitative und qualitative Untersuchung von Talkshowsendungen. Während die quantitative Analyse den Umfang der propagandistischen Einwirkung und die Reaktion des russischen Fernsehens auf die Ereignisse in der Ukraine dokumentiert, macht die Kritische Diskursanalyse deutlich, mithilfe welcher sprachlicher, akustischer und visueller Mittel in den Talkshows gearbeitet wurde, um die gegnerische Seite zu diffamieren und eigene Seite zu heroisieren." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Reported here are findings from a study of the frequency and content of messaging on various themes on Russian television. The goal of this approach is not necessarily to re-create Russians' viewing habits, though one might reasonably assume that more frequently mentioned topics are more likely to
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have been viewed or noticed. Rather, the frequency and distribution of topics over time reveal the extent to which state-controlled television presented a coordinated campaign. In the absence of reliable public opinion data in war-time Russia, such an approach further suggests insights about the ways that Russians were prepared for and reacted to the onset of war. Despite Russia's insistence that its invasion was motivated by longstanding concerns-genocide and fascism in Ukraine-the findings show that Russian television only paid brief attention to those concerns and quickly re-focused on other themes. Rather, the priming of the public for war began over a month prior to the invasion with the spread of "war talk" on television broadcasts." (Page 1)
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