"In 2021, the GxR metric registered two of the most dramatic declines ever seen: both Afghanistan and Myanmar dropped more than 30 points, plummeting two categories, as democratic governments were driven out and people were brutally attacked as they resisted the takeover of their governments. Countr
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ies working towards democracy and slowly shaking themselves free of embattled pasts found progress undermined, and years of work opening up the space for expression disappeared. Non-democratic changes in power rarely bode well for freedom of expression: the violence with which regimes immediately target journalists, activists, and populations shows that repressive regimes – militia and military alike – are keenly aware of the power of information and expression. Polarisation and disinformation continue to characterise many media environments, often serving those in power and sometimes driven by leaders and ruling parties like Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro. These types of content, by design of algorithms, thrive on social media platforms. With five coups in 2021 (plus another in Burkina Faso in January 2022), leaders act against democracy in increasingly brazen ways, both in power grabs and within democratic government, eroding systems and institutions from the inside." (Page 11)
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"This document was produced by the IFJ and focuses on the following issues that the media faces in Bangladesh: struggles since the 50 years of the country´s independence, surge and rise of new media, issues of harassment to journalists, persecution via law, power of the protest, use of laws to rout
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inely being used as an instrument to muzzle the media and stifle critic, creation of governmental bodies to potentially repress the media, the precarious labor laws, and the rise of hate speech and disinformation, self-censorship phenomena, loss of readers, and the future of journalism and the media in the country". (commbox)
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"El presente documento aborda la problemática de la moderación de contenidos en las plataformas haciendo hincapié en su impacto fundamental en el periodismo y teniendo como eje los derechos a la libertad de prensa y la libertad de expresión." (Introducción, página 5)
"The author used her stay at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, to interview Hong Kong journalist. This document gathered seven archetypal stories of the consequences of National Security Law (NSL) on journalists' lives. For security reasons, all names (bar the first) and some identi
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fying details have been altered." (commbox)
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"In the late 2010s, the Internet overtook television as the most popular media format in Russia. It was also the time when Russian-speaking YouTube went political: well-known bloggers started producing political content, opposition politicians became the most popular YouTubers, and finally mainstrea
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m journalists migrated to the platform, a move precipitated by Covid-19 isolation when the demand for Russian-speaking content on YouTube skyrocketed. Therefore, it came as no surprise that when the war started it was YouTube that became the main battlefield for independent Russian journalists, including those who had moved out of the country. However, YouTube was also used by Russian propaganda for years with great effect. For that reason, the Russian government was hesitant to block YouTube, unlike other global platforms that Kremlin censors blocked immediately after the war started. That provided time for Russian users to adapt and install censorship circumvention tools. The other platform that was not immediately blocked was Telegram, and Russian journalists didn’t miss that opportunity to talk to their audience either." (Summary, page 4)
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"The spread of disinformation has received significant attention in recent years, yet little has been paid to government disinformation, and whether governments may violate freedom of expression not only in how they regulate disinformation, but also in how they facilitate, sow and spread it. This ar
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ticle analyses whether and to what extent Article 10 of the ECHR is engaged by government disinformation. It extends the analysis from well-established violations of freedom of expression—overt censorship and withholding information—into novel forms of government interference in the ‘post-truth’ age: false claims of ‘fake news’ levelled at the press and intentional lies about matters of public importance. These latter categories warrant further attention, as governments can cause just as much harm to public discourse and debate by intentionally injecting falsehoods as by censoring truth. A purposive approach to freedom of expression is needed to protect not only the means of expression, but also the ends—vibrant democratic discourse and meaningful public debate." (Abstract)
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"This joint submission was prepared for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Indonesia in November 2022. In it, Amnesty International and the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) evaluate the implementation of recommendations made to Indonesia in its previous UPR, including in relation to hum
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an rights issues in Papua, attacks and intimidations towards human rights defenders, and discrimination against religious minorities. It also assesses the national human rights framework with regard to, especially, civic space. This submission highlights problematic laws that may threaten the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, such as treason and blasphemy offences in the Criminal Code, and the Electronic Information and Transactions (EIT) Law which criminalises hate speech and defamation. This submission also discusses the lack of a comprehensive framework for the protection of human rights defenders and environmental activists. With regard to the human rights situation on the ground, Amnesty International and the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) raise concern about the state of shrinking civic space in Indonesia, indicated by, but not limited to, the increasing attacks - both physical and digital - faced by human rights defenders and journalists, as well as criminalisation of peaceful protests and political expressions using problematic laws." (Summary)
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"Between January 2019 and May 2022, Amnesty International recorded at least 328 physical and/or digital attacks directed against civil society, resulting in a total of at least 834 victims. The victims include human rights defenders (HRDs), activists, journalists, environmental defenders, students,
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and protestors, while the alleged perpetrators of the attacks and intimidation include both state and non-state actors. This report highlights recent repressive tendencies in Indonesia with reference to some of the cases recorded by Amnesty International between January 2019 and May 2022. The report is based on 52 interviews carried out with HRDs, activists, students, lawyers and journalists, as well as media reports and case files. The report exposes how the space for civil society in Indonesia has shrunk during this period as a result of an ongoing assault on the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, association, personal security and freedom from arbitrary detention." (Executive summary)
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"Es un documento de análisis desarrollado por las organizaciones que integran el Espacio_OSC resultado de encuentros con personas defensoras de derechos humanos y periodistas realizados en Oaxaca y la Ciudad de México, con el objetivo de abonar a la generación de una política pública integral.
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El documento establece cuatro ejes estratégicos para que el Estado garantice el derecho a defender los derechos humanos y a la libertad de expresión: prevención, protección, investigación, reparación y garantías de no repetición, acciones prioritarias el tránsito a un nuevo modelo de política pública." (https://espacio.osc.mx)
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"Wiktor Chrul ist Anfang März aus Russland geflohen, ein potentieller Job hat ihn auch für einige Tage nach Aachen geführt. Der Universitätsprofessor und Journalist sieht die Gefahr, dass er in seiner Heimat hart bestraft wird – weil er die Wahrheit sagt. Wo Wiktor Chrul in den nächsten Tagen
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sein wird, weiß er nicht. Vielleicht Bochum, vielleicht Luxemburg, vielleicht auch Vilnius. Der Universitätsprofessor sucht nach einem Job, in Europa, in den USA, Hauptsache nicht in Russland. Als Spezialist auf dem Gebiet Medienethik kann und will er schließlich nicht verschweigen, was wirklich in der Ukraine geschieht. Doch genau das müsste er, wollte er weiterhin sicher in Russland leben. Deshalb hat er das Land Anfang März verlassen. Auf seiner ungewissen Reise hat er auch einige Tage in Aachen verbracht. Multimedia-Volontärin Svenja Stühmeier hat sich mit ihm zum Tag der Pressefreiheit über die Situation der Medien in Russland unterhalten." (Einführung)
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"In 'Free Speech', Jacob Mchangama traces the long, contested history of a powerful idea, beginning with its origins in the intellectual ferment of classical Athens, where it enabled the development of the world's first democracy. Through captivating stories of defenders of free speech throughout hi
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story, from the eighth century 'Abbasid caliph Abu Ja'far al-Mansur to the anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells, Mchangama reveals how the free exchange of knowledge and ideas underlies all scientific and literary achievement, and how it has enabled the advancement of civil rights across the globe. Indeed, he argues, freedom of speech has far more often served the cause of the oppressed than the cause of the oppressors. Yet the temptation to restrict speech, too, is a historical constant, and Mchangama explores how elite entrenchment and anxiety about new technologies can lead even the most dedicated defenders of liberty down this dangerous path. Meticulously researched and deeply humane, Free Speech demonstrates just how much humanity has gained from this essential principle - and just how much we stand to lose if we allow it to erode." (Publisher description)
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"Internet shutdowns in Africa are becoming increasingly widespread, particularly when governments face competitive or contentious elections. They have also come to symbolise a widening fracture between competing conceptions of the global Internet and its regulation. Governments in Africa are justify
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ing shutdowns as able address misinformation and disinformation, protect the election process, and ensure national security. International organisations, NGOs, and social networking platforms condemn these as an inadmissible form of censorship and information control, an abuse by political actors seeking to silence critics or manipulate elections. This article offers an alternative reading on internet shutdowns by placing them in the historical context of the wide range of information controls around elections, many of which are widely regarded as being acceptable and legitimate mechanisms to support competitive elections. By offering this context, we can ask what is new about shutdowns and whether they can ever be regarded as a proportionate response to real concerns of social media and election manipulation. We conclude by highlighting the inequalities of online content moderation as an often-overlooked factor in driving the use of shutdowns, and the failure of social media companies to effectively address misinformation and disinformation in Africa, particularly around elections." (Abstract)
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"Platforms have power. But this power is not unchecked. Governments have an important role to play in protecting their citizens' rights vis-à-vis third parties and ensuring a communication order in which rights are not violated. (And in addition, of course, they need to respect human rights themsel
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ves and not arbitrarily shut down sites or use their power to make the Internet less free and open). As leader of working group 2 it is my distinct privilege to present this collection which unites studies by researchers within the Global Digital Human Rights Networks on issues connected to the overarching question of how platforms deal with human rights and their human rights obligations. This study is a key deliverable of our working group in the second year of the Global Digital Human Rights Network's activities. We will follow-up with Guidelines for platforms and an Assessment Model for states and other stakeholders in 2024. We developed this study under Corona conditions but were able to meet in the Tyrolean Alps in Obergurgl, Austria, in July 2022 to finalize this study." (Preface, page 7)
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"In this submission, the Association of Progressive Communications (APC), EngageMedia and Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet) examine Indonesia's compliance with the recommendations received during the third Universal Periodic Review cycle in 2017. This submission will focus parti
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cularly on digital rights including freedom of expression, the protection of human rights defenders (HRDs), including women human rights defenders, violence against women and misinformation." (Introduction, page 2)
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"COVID-19 has taken a heavy toll on freedom of expression, access to information, and media freedom. Amidst an ongoing global decline in democratic freedoms, the pandemic has severely affected the work of media outlets and independent journalists. Functioning media are, however, a precondition for r
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eliable information, government accountability — and for an inclusive recovery from the repercussions of the global health crisis. What are the most pressing challenges the media have faced during the pandemic? And how can these challenges be addressed? What can governments, donors and civil society organizations do? This discussion paper highlights some of the most relevant problems and recommendations on how to tackle them." (Page 1)
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"Media Laws on the African continent have been amended, revised and rewritten since the first edition of the SADC Media Law Handbook was first published nearly a decade ago. The reasons for new media laws range from the advent of social media to the realisation of the powers-that-be that, with new t
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echnologies, they cannot control the narrative and discussion in the way they used to do. How does one balance the need to prevent hate speech with the necessity to question and control those in power publicly as well as those opposing them? Our legal expert, Justine Limpitlaw, has taken up the challenge of analysing and scrutinising the media laws of 13 southern African countries over the past four years. We present the results to you in this three-volume-edition. The work will, in the next few years, make its way into legal offices, newsrooms and courtrooms on the continent, just as the first edition did." (Foreword)
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