"Since President John Magufuli took office in November 2015, the state has applied a raft of repressive laws restricting the rights of opposition politicians, human rights defenders, activists, researchers, journalists, bloggers and other online users. Cumulatively, the application of these laws has
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had a chilling effect on the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, with people’s censoring actions perceived as critical of government for fear of prosecution or other reprisals [...] Restrictions on media freedom have also intensified under the 2016 Media Services Act which enhances censorship, violates the right to information and limits scrutiny of government policies and programmes. Between 2016 and the time of writing this report, the Tanzania government has used the Media Service Act to close, fine and suspend at least six media outlets for publishing reports on allegations of corruption and human rights violations and the state of Tanzania’s economy. Since 2018, Tanzania’s government has also brought in sweeping powers to police the internet. The Electronic Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations enacted in March 2018 broadly restricts online content, requires bloggers to register and permit surveillance of cybercafés without judicial oversight. Together with the 2015 Cybercrimes Act, which criminalizes publication of “false” information, these laws undermine privacy of internet users and stifle freedom of expression. While it is too early to know how these new, restrictive laws will be applied and enforced, people are increasingly afraid of freely expressing themselves online." (Executive summary)
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"Laut ukrainischen Journalisten und Medienaktivisten hat sich die Lage der Medien in der Ukraine seit dem Euromaidan 2013/2014 in einigen Aspekten verbessert. Die Medien können freier berichten, die Regierung aktiver kontrollieren und sie fühlen sich vom Staat weniger unter Druck gesetzt. Gleichze
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itig bestehen nennenswerte Einschränkungen, z. B. hinsichtlich der Unabhängigkeit und Pluralität der Medien. Einige Probleme sind heute gar akuter als vor fünf Jahren." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This report recognizes artificial intelligence (AI) as an opportunity to achieve the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), through its contribution to building inclusive knowledge societies. Based on UNESCO’s Internet Universality ROAM framework agreed by UNESCO’s Member States i
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n 2015, this study analyzes how AI and advanced information and communication technologies (ICTs) will impact Human Rights in terms of freedom of expression, privacy, media, journalism and non-discrimination; how Openness needs to inform the technological and safety challenges related to AI; how Access to AI hinges upon access to algorithms, hardware, human resources and data; and how a Multi-stakeholder approach concerning AI governance can address the challenges and opportunities for the benefit of humanity." (Back cover)
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"Mongolia has much work to do to ensure full media freedom. Laws on defamation and access to information hamper media’s ability to report fully on matters of public interest and public figures engaged in public business. A deeper understanding of international standards on media freedom and the va
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luable role media play in society are required for true progress to be made. The 2018 Joint Staff Working Document referred to the Human Rights Committee’s Concluding Observations on Mongolia’s 2017 sixth periodic report on ICCPR implementation. Taking this lead, the monitoring focused on the effective application of ICCPR provisions before domestic courts, broad legal restrictions on freedom of expression, and media freedom. The Government of Mongolia has made no positive developments until now. Particularly problematic is the fact that the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs plans to re-criminalize defamation in amendments to the Criminal Code. Mongolia lacks laws and policies important to guaranteeing media freedom, such as a general broadcast law including the recognition of community media, laws on media ownership transparency and concentration, and laws on the protection of sources. Numerous legal restrictions on the right to freedom of expression still exist, and many of these provisions are actively applied. The most serious are defamation laws, which are criminal, civil, and administrative in nature, and employed with great frequency against the media. There is no doubt that many media outlets engage in irresponsible reporting, but this cannot justify the current state of defamation laws in Mongolia." (Conclusion)
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"La violencia contra los periodistas no es un hecho aislado. Esta es una práctica presente en países de todo el mundo y que se caracteriza por la impunidad que rodea a las muertes de comunicadores de diversos medios de comunicación. Esta situación no solo deja impune el crimen, también impide y
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trunca la relación de la información con la comunidad. Cuando estos actos se llevan a cabo, se vulnera la persistencia de la libertad de expresión, el funcionamiento y el propósito de los medios de comunicación, la confianza en la investigación periodística y las fronteras del miedo. Consciente de la gravedad de la situación, Marisol Cano investiga en este libro diez organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión [Article 19, CPI, Fedración Internacional de Periodistas FIP, Freedom House, International Media Support, International News Safety Institute INSI, Reporteros sin fronteras, Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, UNESCO, WAN-IFRA] mediante una metodología cualitativa que hace uso de técnicas de investigación como el análisis documental, el análisis de contenido y la entrevista estructurada. De esta forma, logra construir un marco global analítico de la lucha frente a la violencia contra los periodistas en la primera década del siglo XXI que le permite conocer el discurso sobre la libertad de expresión, sus formas de evaluación, las decisiones de las organizaciones para intervenir en determinados contextos, los procesos de protección de los periodistas y el perfil de las organizaciones encargadas de su bienestar. En un mundo tan conectado, el periodismo ya no es un asunto que pueda limitarse a las fronteras nacionales o a contextos locales, su accionar atañe a la comunidad internacional y las repercusiones que se derivan de su silenciamiento es un asunto que demanda el compromiso y la responsabilidad de toda la humanidad." (Resumen)
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"The uptake of telecommunications technology in Myanmar has been nothing short of dramatic. After years of restricted access to information and freedom of expression, it has been a remarkable journey for civil society groups like MIDO to witness the growing interest and demand, especially among the
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youth, to use smartphones to engage politically and socially. Yet the challenges are still there, not only because of the restrictive laws but also because of the threats resulting from hate speech and misleading information that affect people's right to know. There are still missing pieces in terms of privacy and data protection, which will be crucial if the government goes ahead with its plans to introduce e-government systems and digital identification methods. If private telecommunication operators succeed in amending their licensing agreements so they are no longer responsible for offering coverage to all areas of the country, especially those with ongoing conflicts, it will mean that communities or individuals that most need connectivity will not have access through mobile telephones. It is becoming increasingly important to demand governmental and corporate transparency, as well as meaningful public participation, in the formulation of policies and laws for the telecommunications sector." (Page 374)
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"In many African countries, including Zimbabwe, journalists have been subjected to various policy regulations that have widely been criticised for making the practice of journalism difficult. Part of the reason has been the advent of competitive politics that have left the ruling regimes scrambling
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to limit freedoms and stopopposition onslaught on their power. One way the Zimbabwean government has limited freedom of expression has been through the introduction of the Interception of Communications Act, a surveillance regulation law that has had a chilling effect on the practice of journalism. This paper utilises Pierre Bourdieu’s journalistic field as theoretical lenses, focusing on the concepts of journalistic field to explore how journalists have been affected by the threats posed by this law in their daily newsgathering and production activities. The study is based on qualitative interviews with Zimbabwean journalists and civil society activists with an interest in the media, sampled from the private print media. The article argues that state surveillance has disrupted the journalistic field in the country by damaging the relationship between journalists and their sources, thus compromising one of the basic tenets of journalism. Journalists can no longer follow the widely held newsgathering routines as a result of state surveillance policies. Furthermore, investigative journalism, which was already under pressure from political influence, has been further eroded. We argue that Zimbabwe journalists need to develop reporting practices that expose surveillance and find creative ways to negotiate and resist surveillance." (Abstract)
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"This collection of thirteen new essays is the first to examine, from a range of disciplinary perspectives, how the new technologies and global reach of the internet are changing the theory and practice of free speech. The rapid expansion of online communication, as well as the changing roles of gov
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ernment and private organizations in monitoring and regulating the digital world, give rise to new questions, including: How do philosophical defenses of the right to freedom of expression, developed in the age of the town square and the printing press, apply in the digital age? Should search engines be covered by free speech principles? How should international conflicts over online speech regulations be resolved? Is there a right to be forgotten that is at odds with the right to free speech? How has the Internet facilitated new speech-based harms such as cyber-stalking, twitter-trolling, and “revenge” porn, and how should these harms be addressed?" (Abstract)
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"Over the past few years, Lebanon has witnessed an alarming increase in attacks on peaceful speech and expression. The country’s criminal defamation laws, which authorize imprisonment up to three years for peaceful speech, have been used against citizens who have written about pressing social issu
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es, including corruption. Government data indicates a 325% increase in defamation cases for online speech between 2015 and 2018. Based on research conducted over the course of a year and extensive interviews with defendants in criminal defamation cases, lawyers, government officials, and civil society, Human Rights Watch found that the prosecution, security agencies, and judiciary behaved in ways that suggested bias in favour of the complainants. These patterns illustrate the potential for public officials, religious groups, and security agencies to misuse criminal defamation laws as a tool for retaliation and repression. Individuals who had been sued faced a number of serious consequences as a result of the criminal process, including physical abuse and privacy violations during interrogations, pretrial detention, family separation, and considerable mental and financial stress. The increasing use of criminal defamation laws has had a chilling effect on free speech in Lebanon." (Back cover)
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"Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change is the first volume to overview the country’s contemporary media landscape, providing a critical assessment of the sector during the complex and controversial political transition. Moving beyond the focus on journalism and freedom of th
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e press that characterizes many media-focused volumes, Myanmar Media in Transition also explores developments in fiction, filmmaking, social movement media and social media. Documenting changes from both academic and practitioner perspectives, the twenty-one chapters reinforce the volume’s theoretical arguments by providing on-the-ground, factual and experiential data intended to open useful dialogue between key stakeholders in the media, government and civil society sectors. Providing an overview of media studies in the country, Myanmar Media in Transition addresses current challenges, such as the use of social media in spreading hate speech and the shifting boundaries of free expression, by placing them within Myanmar’s broader historic social, political and economic context." (Publisher description)
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"Focusing on the period between the 2014 coup and flawed elections in March 2019, “To Speak Out is Dangerous” draws on interviews with individuals prosecuted for exercising their rights to speech or assembly, lawyers, journalists, students, and activists, and examination of police charge sheets,
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court documents, news reports, and official statements. The report provides an in-depth analysis of the overly broad and vaguely worded laws that the Thai government has most frequently used to violate internationally protected rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly. Human Rights Watch calls on the Thai government to stop using criminal laws against peaceful speech and protest; repeal all remaining NCPO orders restricting basic rights; and bring Thailand’s laws, policies, and practices into conformity with international human rights law and standards for the protection of freedom of expression, association, and assembly." (Back cover)
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"This report—based largely on interviews in Myanmar and analysis of legal and policy changes since 2016—assesses the NLD government’s record on freedom of expression and assembly in its more than two years in power. It updates Human Rights Watch’s prior report, “They Can Arrest You at Any
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Time”: The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Burma, issued in June 2016, focusing on the laws most commonly used to suppress speech. We conclude that freedom of expression in Myanmar is deteriorating, directly affecting a wide range of people, from Facebook users critical of officials to students performing a satirical anti-war play. Domestic journalists are particularly at risk." (Page 2)
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"Countries emerging from violent conflict face difficult challenges about what the role of media should be in political transitions, particularly when attempting to build a new state and balance a difficult legacy. Media, Conflict, and the State in Africa discusses how ideas, institutions and intere
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sts have shaped media systems in some of Africa's most complex state and nation-building projects. This timely book comes at a turbulent moment in global politics as waves of populist protests gain traction, and concerns continue to grow about fake news, social media echo chambers, and the increasing role of both traditional and new media in waging wars or influencing elections. Focusing on comparative cases from a historical perspective and the choices and ideas that informed the approaches of some of Africa's leaders, including guerrilla commanders Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Nicole Stremlau offers a unique political insight into the development of contemporary media systems in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"This report maps the current landscape in respect of digital rights and online freedom of expression in East, West and Southern Africa. It looks at the trends regarding law and policy developments, as well as recent litigation, within these regions. The report focuses on 18 countries – 6 per regi
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on – and tracks the recent developments that have taken place in these countries. Part I of the report provides an overview of the litigation before the ACHPR and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Court) in respect of freedom of expression. Parts II, III and IV of the report look at the trends generally in East, West and Southern Africa respectively, as well as some of the key legal and civil society actors working on digital rights and online freedom of expression, and include a snapshot of some of the notable developments – both positive and negative – that have occurred in the 18 countries under consideration in this report, as well as reflections on opportunities and challenges for vindicating digital rights within each of the countries. Lastly, Part V considers what the next possible opportunities will be for digital rights and online freedom of expression litigation in the region." (Pages 5-6)
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"The toolkit encompasses a broad variety of issues, which should be considered by judicial actors in the course of their work to protect human rights. It covers legal standards of freedom of expression according to international and regional instruments and core texts and surveys pertinent jurisprud
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ence on freedom of expression from regional and sub-regional courts or quasi-judicial bodies that deal with human rights issues. The toolkit explicates conditions under which speech can be legitimately restricted, while also giving prominence to the safety of journalists and the issue of impunity, the latter representing one of the main obstacles to guaranteeing freedom of expression and freedom of information. Finally, the toolkit also addresses recent challenges to freedom of expression on the internet, including on social media, which have become vital means for sharing information and expressing views. The question of gender representation in media content and careers, and gender-specific threats for women journalists, are also addressed." (Foreword, page 10)
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"Viewership, listenership and readership in the Sri Lankan media market is highly concentrated among a few media owners, many of whom have political affiliations. Limited access to ownership information and a number of regulatory shortcomings pose a further threat to media pluralism in the country."
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(http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/sri-lanka)
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"Em termo de variedade de conteúdos e formatos, há uma hegemonia quase absoluta dos modelos de negócio calcados no lucro e do entretenimento. Este tipo de conteúdo é o foco de 84% dos sites mais acessados. Apenas a Wikipedia surge como grande produtor e difusor de conteúdo, mas ainda assim de
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caráter enciclopédico e não na disputa dinâmica pelos acontecimentos. Apenas 9 dos 100 sites mais acessados (9%) são jornalísticos, sendo metade destes relacionados aos grupos Globo e Folha. Da chamada mídia “progressista”, somente dois sites estão entre os 500 mais acessados, Portal Fórum e Brasil 247 (0,4%). Nesta lista, bem como na de aplicativos, não há um veículo sequer de caráter público ou comunitário. Nos canais de YouTube, em que há a presença de novos agentes, inclusive indivíduos, o entretenimento representa 84% dos espaços analisados. A abordagem temática calcada em “comentários diversos”, visando entretenimento, e a baixíssima incidência de conteúdos educativos ou jornalísticos levanta a questão de como esses canais contribuem ou não para o debate público [...] Em uma tentativa de amarração do quadro geral, podemos arriscar dizer que, se por um lado a Internet aumentou o número de agentes na sua camada de aplicações e conteúdos em relação a outros meios, como a TV, por outro, a hegemonia das grandes plataformas e dos grandes grupos de mídia nacional problematizam de um espaço efetivamente democratizado. Ao contrário, o alcance de plataformas como Facebook e YouTube tem uma dimensão que nenhum outro agente da indústria cultural conseguiu anteriormente, mesmo que já houvesse internacionalização de diversos segmentos (como no cinema e nas programadoras de TV por assinatura)." (Sumário executivo, página 15)
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