"Reports by international organizations suggest that physical violence and threats against journalists and bloggers continued with impunity in Bangladesh, resulting in the country being ranked as 146 in the World Press Freedom Index 2018. Considering the increasing incidents of violence against jour
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nalists and attacks on media freedom, this chapter specifically aims to shed light on Bangladeshi laws and policies, which are related to media freedom and to protect media from crime against journalists. Relying on Beata Rozumilowicz's concept of media reform and stages of media reform, the study urges that Bangladesh is in under the rule of democratic rule for years that symbolizes the primary transition stage. However, the enactment of statutes on digital media, access to information, defamation, and so on epitomize the pre-transition stage of the media reform concept. Hence, the study questions the legal and media structure of Bangladesh with the historical and document analysis of laws and policies." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the perceptions of Nigerian journalists towards the Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018 and the governments’ online surveillance. The study employs survey and interview methods: 217 Nigerian media practitioners selected from print and online media responded to the questionnaire
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while ten key informants were interviewed. The findings revealed that a majority of the respondents are concerned about the government’s effort in suppressing freedom of expression. They believe that personal interest rather than national interest constitutes the basis for the government’s online surveillance and the proposed new Press Council Bill, which a majority believe will gag the press and restrict freedom of expression in Nigeria. A majority of the respondents also consider the government’s online surveillance an impediment to their professional duties and a violation of their privacy. Hence, they believe that it is not unlikely that their digital presence has been tracked and monitored by government security agencies. As a result, respondents have resorted to avoiding certain topics considered critical of government while also avoiding activities on social media that may be considered controversial or suspicious. Hence, respondents believe protecting the anonymity of their sources and disguising their digital footprints are the needed safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"In this report, Human Rights Watch documents 33 cases between 2016 and 2020 in which authorities in areas controlled by the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) have arrested, brought charges against, and sentenced journalists, activists, and other dissenting voices under
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these legal provisions. Thirteen of these cases involved individuals covering or supporting protest activities. Seven cases involved individuals writing in mainstream or social media about state corruption, a major concern motivating protesters in 2019 and 2020. Iraq’s parliament should amend laws and penal code articles that limit free speech in ways that are inconsistent with international law. Iraqi federal authorities and the Kurdistan Regional Government should direct security forces to end intimidation, harassment, and assault as well as arrests of journalists and others for exercising their right to free expression." (Back cover)
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"The 2019 Europe and Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI) saw another improvement in the combined average score for the 21 countries studied: In 2018, the combined average score was 1.84, and in 2019 this increased to 1.86. In comparison with the previous year’s study, there were modest gains
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at the regional level in Objectives 1 (Freedom of Speech), 2 (Professional Journalism), and 3 (Plurality); the largest increase happened in Objective 5 (Supporting Institutions), which moved from 1.99 in 2018 to 2.04 in 2019. Objective 4 (Business Management) saw a slight decline, reflecting the financial and economic challenges media across Europe and Eurasia continue to experience. At the country level, Armenia moved into the highest ranking position (by overall score) of all countries studied by the MSI with an overall score of 2.60 – powered by, in the words of the chapter’s author, “[a] momentous revolution, dubbed “velvet” by its leader, Nikol Pashinyan, [that] changed the Armenian political landscape, turned the media world upside down, and made 2018 a truly unprecedented year in Armenia’s modern history.” Following Armenia, the top five highest ranked countries included Kosovo (2.53), Albania (2.49), and Montenegro and Romania (tied at 2.45)." (Executive summary, page ix)
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"The Media Ownership Monitor found that a high degree of concentration in ownership and audience share prevails in the media industry in Pakistan and a professionally weak regulatory system poses a threat to media pluralism and freedom of expression in the country." (http://Pakistan.mom-rsf.org/en)
"A hostile takeover of Egypt’s media is under way, leaving the influence on public opinion to be controlled by the state, the secret services and a few wealthy owners loyal to the regime and with close ties to the former president Hosni Mubarak. In a move to gain influence over the State-owned med
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ia, the media giant Egyptian Media group signed several deals with the National Media authority on 20 January 2019 extending its control and increasing the influence of the General Intelligence over the Egyptian media landscape. The coordinated attack on media freedom and pluralism is facilitated by a set of new laws restructuring the media sector in 2018 and by the ongoing pressure on journalists and media workers by the state." (http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/egypt)
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"Since President John Magufuli took office in November 2015, the state has applied a raft of repressive laws restricting the rights of opposition politicians, human rights defenders, activists, researchers, journalists, bloggers and other online users. Cumulatively, the application of these laws has
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had a chilling effect on the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, with people’s censoring actions perceived as critical of government for fear of prosecution or other reprisals [...] Restrictions on media freedom have also intensified under the 2016 Media Services Act which enhances censorship, violates the right to information and limits scrutiny of government policies and programmes. Between 2016 and the time of writing this report, the Tanzania government has used the Media Service Act to close, fine and suspend at least six media outlets for publishing reports on allegations of corruption and human rights violations and the state of Tanzania’s economy. Since 2018, Tanzania’s government has also brought in sweeping powers to police the internet. The Electronic Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations enacted in March 2018 broadly restricts online content, requires bloggers to register and permit surveillance of cybercafés without judicial oversight. Together with the 2015 Cybercrimes Act, which criminalizes publication of “false” information, these laws undermine privacy of internet users and stifle freedom of expression. While it is too early to know how these new, restrictive laws will be applied and enforced, people are increasingly afraid of freely expressing themselves online." (Executive summary)
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"Mongolia has much work to do to ensure full media freedom. Laws on defamation and access to information hamper media’s ability to report fully on matters of public interest and public figures engaged in public business. A deeper understanding of international standards on media freedom and the va
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luable role media play in society are required for true progress to be made. The 2018 Joint Staff Working Document referred to the Human Rights Committee’s Concluding Observations on Mongolia’s 2017 sixth periodic report on ICCPR implementation. Taking this lead, the monitoring focused on the effective application of ICCPR provisions before domestic courts, broad legal restrictions on freedom of expression, and media freedom. The Government of Mongolia has made no positive developments until now. Particularly problematic is the fact that the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs plans to re-criminalize defamation in amendments to the Criminal Code. Mongolia lacks laws and policies important to guaranteeing media freedom, such as a general broadcast law including the recognition of community media, laws on media ownership transparency and concentration, and laws on the protection of sources. Numerous legal restrictions on the right to freedom of expression still exist, and many of these provisions are actively applied. The most serious are defamation laws, which are criminal, civil, and administrative in nature, and employed with great frequency against the media. There is no doubt that many media outlets engage in irresponsible reporting, but this cannot justify the current state of defamation laws in Mongolia." (Conclusion)
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"¿Qué es el periodismo con perspectiva de género? ¿Es informar más sobre la mujer? ¿Es hacer más suplementos para ella? ¿Es entrevistar a más mujeres? Rotundamente no. De nada valen esas opciones, si ese suplemento, esa entrevista, esa mayor presencia femenina continúa perpetuando estereot
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ipos caducos. “El periodismo con perspectiva de género es dar significación y sentido a la desigualdad, explicar la realidad en función de si se es hombre o se es mujer, en todos y cada uno de los ámbitos —economía, política, deportes…—. No se trata solo de ser más sensible, se trata de ser más riguroso en la información." (Introducción, página 7)
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"Even with a backdrop of political instability, Sri Lanka’s overall 2019 MSI score remained at 1.80, the same as it was the last time the study was conducted in 2017. This year, the Freedom of Speech objective just crossed the threshold into the near sustainable category due to continued improveme
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nt in the legal framework after the 2015 election and the fact that no major incidents were committed against the media in 2018. Professional Journalism (Objective 2) was the only objective to decrease this year, which panelists attribute to politicization of news media, self-censorship, and few resources to pay adequate salaries or invest in quality, investigative journalism. This study separately analyzed how the media serves the public in Objective 6, with panelists noting that the media tends to reflect the views of the government, media owners, or the elite, rather than the concerns or needs of the general public." (Page 5)
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