"Digital monopolies shape ever larger parts of our lives. The platforms are increasingly controlling the public formation of political opinion and at the same time abolishing our free market economy. Digital expert Martin Andree shows in detail how far the hostile takeover of our society by the tech
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giants has already progressed - and how we could reclaim the Internet." (Publisher description)
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"Digitale Monopole bringen immer größere Teile unserer Lebenswelt unter ihre Kontrolle. Die Plattformen dominieren zunehmend die politische Meinungsbildung und schaffen zugleich unsere freie Marktwirtschaft ab. Man fragt sich: Ist das überhaupt noch legal? Warum sollten wir uns das noch länger g
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efallen lassen? Der Medienwissenschaftler Martin Andree zeigt messerscharf, wie weit die feindliche Übernahme unserer Gesellschaft durch die Tech-Giganten schon fortgeschritten ist - und wie wir uns das Internet zurückerobern können." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The aim of this paper is to investigate the phenomena of misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation, as well as their impact on the political sphere. In addition, the paper attempts to explain the harmful influence of misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation on public debates, dem
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ocratic processes, and civil society engagement." (Introduction)
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"Grundlage für die im Buch enthaltenen Aufsätze ist eine Fachtagung, die im Juli 2019 vom Caritasverband für die Diözese Osnabrück e. V. und dem Ludwig-Windhorst-Haus, der Katholischen Sozialen Akademie des Bistums Osnabrück, initiiert wurde. Dabei sollte das Zentrum der Tagung (und damit des
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Buches) die Frage sein, wie Christen mit den digitalen Perspektiven umgehen und sich hierzu beraten lassen. Vier Bereiche werden dafür beleuchtet: Das neue Menschenbild, das durch die Digitalisierung entsteht, die Veränderungen in der Arbeitswelt, die Gefährdungen der Demokratie und die Frage nach der erleichterten Pflege. All dies wird in dreizehn Aufsätzen näher untersucht, wobei die Autorinnen und Autoren unterschiedliche Vitae aufweisen: Vom Bundesvorsitzenden der Katholischen Arbeiterbewegung Andreas Luttmer-Bensmann über den CEO von BurdaForward Oliver Eckert bis hin zu Prof. Dr. Magnus Striet, Professor für Fundamentaltheologie in Freiburg. Diese Multiperspektivität bietet den Vorteil, dass sehr breite und teils auch unbekannte Haltungen präsentiert werden. So ist beispielsweise der Text der Philosophin Dr. Janina Loh, der einen Überblick zu Transhumanismus, technologischem Transhumanismus und kritischem Posthumanismus gibt, höchst lesenswert, da er insbesondere für theologisch Interessierte neue anthropologische Perspektiven eröffnet. Hierin liegt aber zugleich auch ein markantes Defizit des Bandes. Die Vielfalt ist Segen und Fluch zugleich. Zwar wird eine Fülle an Themenfeldern eröffnet, die zum Weiterdenken anregen (können), sinniger wäre es aber gewesen, wenn sie direkt im Buch anhand von verschiedenen Zugängen näher beleuchtet worden wären: Ist die Digitalisierung für die Demokratie eine Chance oder eine Gefahr? Die Entwicklung der letzten Jahre zeigt deutlich, dass dies ein aktuelles und sehr bedeutendes Thema ist. Gerade in diesem Bereich zeigt sich jedoch, dass das Buch nur Anstöße liefern kann." (Rezension von Daniel Lomp in eulenfisch.de)
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"Concerns surrounding the threats that digital platforms pose to the functioning of Western liberal democracies have grown since the 2016 U.S. election. Yet despite a preponderance of academic work in this area, the precise nature of these threats, empirical solutions for their redress, and their re
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lationship to the wider digital political economy remain undertheorized. This article addresses these gaps with a semisystematic literature review that identifies and defines four prominent threats—fake news, filter bubbles/echo chambers, online hate speech, and surveillance—and constructs a typology of “workable solutions” for combating these threats that highlights the tendency to silo technical, regulatory, or culturally embedded approaches." (Abstract)
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"At the heart of the challenges to democracy posed by digital media are three core problems: 1. Platform monopolies: two or three corporations control not only our means of communication, but also the content which is distributed, both of which are core aspects of our democracy. Whilst the market po
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wer and global mobility of these companies make it possible for them to avoid national regulatory measures, either by moving operations elsewhere or simply ignoring them; 2. Algorithmic opacity: algorithmic engines are using huge quantities of personal data to make ever more precise predictions about what we want to see and hear, and having ever increasing influence over what we think and do, with little transparency about how they work or accountability for their impact; and 3. Attention economy: the dominant business model of digital media prioritises the amplification of whatever content is best at grabbing our attention, while avoiding responsibility for the impact that content has on our collective wellbeing and our democracy. The negative impact is brutally clear from both the literature and the world around us." (Introduction, page 14)
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"This review looks back over 11 years of civil society advocacy in the information society – a total of 510 country reports published in Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) from 2007 to 2017. It covers a period of important global shifts, from the exponential growth and influence of social
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media, to the turbulence and hope of the Arab Spring, to revelations of widespread state surveillance. It offers a summary of what internet rights activists wrote about, what they found important, the challenges they faced, and what they felt needed to be done to strengthen a people-centred information society." (Back cover)
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"In this short book, internationally renowned scholar of political communication, Stephen Coleman, argues that the best way to strengthen democracy is to re-invent it for the twenty-first century. Governments and global institutions have failed to seize the opportunity to democratise their ways of o
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perating, but online citizens are ahead of them, developing practices that could revolutionise the exercise of political power." (Publisher description)
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"To conclude, it is helpful to consider the work reviewed here under the headings provided by Beetham (2002)'s definition of democracy: popular control, and political equality. With respect to popular control, it seems to be the case that the Internet facilitates a "way in" for citizens in a democra
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cy to aquire information about, engage with, and even influence the key institutions that make up a democratic polity [...] For political equality, the prospects are a little less bright. There is abundance of research to suggest that the Internet may actually reinforce the disadvantages of lower income and low levels of education and these demographics may overtake age as the most important demographic for understanding Internet use." (Conclusion)
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"In Spider Stories 2012 you will get an overview of results from Spider projects initiated in 2011-2012 in collaboration with project partners in Cambodia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. In partnership with local organizations, we have supported innovative projects in democracy, education, and
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health. Our project partners have also explored Spider’s crosscutting themes, from Free and Open Source Software and mobiles for development to cultural creativity and youth empowerment. Spider Stories 2012 is in the format of “storytelling” to capture the voices of our project partners as well as the ultimate beneficiaries of their efforts: ordinary people in different social settings." (Spider website)
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"The study “Tunisia: from revolutions to institutions” stresses how technology-oriented small and medium-sized companies (SMEs) can generate economic expansion and job growth, including in the economically-isolated interior provinces. Tunisian ICT companies are likely to find an attractive marke
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t in Northern Africa and parts of Europe, thanks to Arabic and French language skills and lower labor costs. Entrepreneurs, however, expressed frustration with the cost of doing business and government control of critical markets, which was installed by the previous regime. They also recognized the need for a more market-responsive higher education system that produces graduates with more up-to-date and practical knowledge. Central to the Tunisian revolution of 2011, ICTs remain critically important to helping address the root causes that led to the uprising in the first place, according to the report. New technologies and applications are necessary to creating a vibrant economy that produces sustainable jobs for the country’s young population and helping to constitute an open and transparent society." (www.infodev.org, March 20, 2012)
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"This paper takes a critical look at the view that the Internet can serve as a laboratory of political experimentation for reconfiguring the repertories of political actions. The overall discourses on information and communications technology (ICT) are too often focused on technology and infrastruct
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ure, when the question of its use should be central. In order to comprehend how ICT can serve as a democratic enhancer, this paper critically examines the African anthropology of the state and of the public sphere. It captures the African endogenous productions of political modernity and the subsequent way ICT is appropriated and indigenized by African local instances. African states and civil societies do not fit into prescriptive Western paradigms. In order to encourage the effective use of new technologies, this paper has developed the so-called “African model of ICT practice”, which proposes a set of hypotheses that aim to enable the effective usage and integration of ICT within the democratic process in the context of an African self-defined political reality." (Abstract)
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"The government in Syria came to differentiate between political dissent and the civil society activism in which the new generation plays a vital role thanks to the use of social media. Unable to control the burst of online activity, Damascus was forced to focus on monitoring key dissenters and huma
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n rights activists rather than wasting time and resources on monitoring thousands of youth and civil society activists who are turning to web 2.0 technologies such as Facebook and Twitter to promote change and development. Online social media, which virtually anyone can use from home, played a central role in the Syrian uprising and helped break the decades-old government media monopoly. But it helped the Syrian government crack down on activists." (Page 1)
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"This article deals with the increasing connections among the Tunisian diaspora and its homeland provided by a widespread use of the social Web. The main aim is to evaluate to what extent the Tunisian diaspora has contributed to a wider diffusion of cyberactivism concerning legitimate claims for dem
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ocracy and human rights, considered as one of the main driving forces behind the 2011 revolution. After introducing some epistemological and methodological issues related to the study of the Web, the paper deepens the history of Tunisian migrants’ online activism in order to grasp connections with the later configuration of the cyberdissidence in the homeland. The last section is dedicated to interpretation of the graphs, in order to compare the research hypothesises with the results stemming from the e-Diaspora project methodology." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the Egyptian revolt of January/February 2011 from two discrete perspectives. The first perspective is a contextual marker that takes into account long-term and forecast trends in democracy from 1952 through 2011. The second perspective reports the opinions and viewpoints of Egyp
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tian citizens living in a remote fishing village and resort town through impromptu in-person interviews conducted between 23 and 30 January 2011. The statistical findings evidence that the Internet and mobile phones have helped to facilitate sociopolitical instability and democratic change over time, while the personal interviews paradoxically suggest circumspection in making generalizations about how these events have proceeded across a large population and through a period of tightly suppressed communication when Internet access was shut down. Taken together, characterizing the events in Egypt as having been just a social media revolution therefore appears to misrepresent the evolution of political change in the country through this time period." (Abstract)
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"Eine Serie von Fallstudien – unter anderem zur Funktion von Blogs und Microblogs als „bottom- up journalism“ und zu Aktivitätsfeldern des chinesischen „hacktivism“ – verdeutlicht, welches Potenzial politischer Mobilisierung auch im chinesischen Kontext in der internetbasierten Kommunik
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ation liegt. Becker dokumentiert eine beachtliche Kreativität und Optionsvielfalt in der Umgehung staatlicher Zensurmaßnahmen. Die kommunikativen und technischen Aspekte des verbreiteten Ausweichverhaltens werden vom Autor systematisch aufgeschlüsselt. Die immer aufwändigeren Gegenmaßnahmen, die staatliche Sicherheitsorgane gegen politisch unliebsame Formen des Internet-Aktivismus ergreifen, bleiben in ihrer Effektivität begrenzt. Technische Ausweichmöglichkeiten und fortschreitende gesellschaftliche Liberalisierung werden eine staatliche Kontrolle des Internet auf Dauer unmöglich machen. Der politische Liberalisierungsdruck wird sich durch massenhafte Internetnutzung weiter verstärken – auch wenn dies nur mit Verzögerung zu Veränderungen im „analogen“ politischen System und keinesfalls zwangsläufig zu einer Demokratisierung nach westlichen Vorstellungen führen wird." (Sebastian Heilmann: Geleitwort, Seite 19)
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"The uprisings which swept across the Arab world beginning in December 2010 pose a serious challenge to many of the core findings of the political science literature focused on the durability of the authoritarian Middle Eastern state. The impact of social media on contentious politics represents one
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of the many areas which will require significant new thinking. The dramatic change in the information environment over the last decade has changed individual competencies, the ability to organize for collective action, and the transmission of information from the local to the international level. It has also strengthened some of the core competencies of authoritarian states even as it has undermined others. The long term evolution of a new kind of public sphere may matter more than immediate political outcomes, however. Rigorous testing of competing hypotheses about the impact of the new social media will require not only conceptual development but also the use of new kinds of data analysis not traditionally adopted in Middle East area studies." (Abstract)
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