"This study presents findings from research on international media development strate-gies and practices in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2021. Based on qualitative interviews with 35 Afghan journalists in Afghanistan, the research offers a retroactive assessment of key patterns in International Medi
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a Assistance. The findings indicate that prevailing media assistance strategies, as perceived by interviewees, were largely aimed at changing attitudes and behaviors through media programs. This reflects a media-centric paradigm in which people are viewed as passive recipients of information rather than active agents of change. Interviewees also noted that the international com-munity underestimated the divide between liberal urban communities and conservative rural com-munities. Media programs often targeted liberal, urban youth, further jeopardizing social cohesion in Afghanistan. Future programs should prioritize citizen engagement in public affairs through the media to help counter the widespread perception that decisions are made elsewhere. Participatory approaches should also include conservative communities, as a sole focus on liberal urban elites has been seen as deepening social divisions." (Abstract)
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"This article tries to show that media development work could be based less on the idea of cooperation, but rather be perceived as a dominance of foreign funding countries and their politics. Taking this view, the donor organisations’ perceived dominance in controlling the entire process and meeti
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ng their requirements seem to be more important than establishing relationships built on trust with the actors on site, and openness to adjust projects and funds to local needs on a more ad hoc basis. Based on a literature review and two case studies in India and Ghana, Elbers, Knippenberg and Schulpen (2014) explain why the approach to control often wins over the approach of trust; and what this means for development cooperation. According to them, the approach to control is based on the phenomenon of “development managerialism” where “[e]ffectiveness, efficiency and transparency became key principles” (page 1). Here, trust is replaced by indicators that can be controlled and measured to guarantee effectiveness and efficiency and justify funding decisions. At this point, it needs to be mentioned that donors and other funding organizations themselves have to be accountable to their central auditing authorities in their respective home countries. Thus, the focus on controlling the process at the expense of neglecting empowerment and autonomy of the recipients maybe beyond their control or intention." (Page 8)
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"When questioning the relationship between media, development, and democracy, especially in the ill-defined “Global South,” it’s important to go beyond the commonly held meta-narratives that frame these concepts as common sense. In a quest to investigate alternative characterizations of these
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terms, this chapter uses Ghanaian political economist Lord Mawuko-Yevugah’s (2014) theoretical framework of “developmentality” to explain how development has been used as an ideological instrument to promote the Western liberal media model in the “Global South.” Using a case study of Malawi, which is heavily dependent on foreign aid from the same countries who have defined and promoted this liberal media model aboard, raises important questions about a media model that is characterized by high objectivity and political neutrality on one side, but subjects countries to high levels of competition and free market principles on the other. By outlining the temporal sequence of events that have unfolded since the arrival of missionary media in the 1800s, the presence of international donors and the rise in non-governmental organizations, this chapter reveals how certain ideologies and practices have been legitimized through development to preserve the unequal balance of power between the “Global South” and their former colonial powers." (Abstract)
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"The study shows that the data giant’s rise to become a patron of the media began in France, where, responding to political pressure, it set up a 60-million-euro fund to support press publishers’ innovation projects in 2013. The French fund was the blueprint for the Digital News Initiative (DNI)
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that Google launched throughout Europe in 2015 and whose core element was the 150-million-euros Digital News Innovation Fund that the company used to promote innovation projects from 2015 to 2019. Examining the political context of these funding programmes reveals that Google’s initiatives consistently came about in response to growing political pressure, which the company’s managers describe as a “wake-up call” to the corporation. One key issue is the debate surrounding the introduction of a “Google tax” and an ancillary copyright law. Using publicly accessible sources, newspaper articles, press releases, and discussions with industry representatives and Google, the present study sets out how the French Fund and the European DNI became a global undertaking from 2018: the 300-million-dollar Google News Initiative (GNI) [.] the typical beneficiary of a DNI grant was an established, for-profit, western European publisher. Non-profit media and journalism start-ups were not the focus of funding. Across Europe, some three quarters of the funding millions went to commercial media organisations, the largest share – 21.5 million euros – to Germany. Only four of the 28 large projects to receive funding of more than 300,000 euros in Germany were at regional publishers. At the other end of the spectrum are major publishing empires such as Dieter von Holtzbrinck Medien, Funke Mediengruppe, and Gruner + Jahr, each of whom received between 3 and 10 million euros. More precise figures cannot be provided, since neither Google nor the majority of recipients espouse transparency regarding specific funding amounts." (Summary, page 89-90)
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"This review has shown that media assistance from donor sources enhanced the development of the African media generally especially after the Second World War, but the inability of outlets to sustain their operations financially usher them into the “operational survival phase” where private inves
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tors take over with sensationalism and profit-oriented objectives that tend to contradict the traditional functions of the media which donors envisaged. Moreover, the application for funding eligibilities, criteria, and prescribed reporting themes become conditions which to some extent strip off media’s ability to determine its own agenda, and ultimately independence. By this, the very models, “philanthro-journalism” and/or “NGO-funded” to protect and establish a resilient media system, are somewhat becoming a threat to media freedom in a masquerading form. Whenever donors are in the driving seat of setting media agenda, (a) local pressing issues are ignored or given less attention and (b) image of recipient countries is dented. These put the African media on the path to becoming controlled because as long as its quest for donor assistance is unceasing, then its susceptibility to demands of donors will abound." (Conclusion)
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"[This book] examines the way in which foreign aid has shaped professional ideologies of journalism as part of systematic and orchestrated efforts since the beginning of the twentieth century to shape journalism as a political institution of the Global South. Foreign aid pushed for cultural converge
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nce around a set of ideologies as a way of exporting ideology and expanding markets, reflecting the market society along with the expansion of U.S. power and culture across the globe. Jairo Lugo-Ocando argues that these policies were not confined to the Cold War and were not a purely modern phenomenon; today’s journalism grammar was not invented in one place and spread to the rest, but was instead a forced colonial and post-colonial nation-building exercise that reflected both imposition and contestation to these attempts. As a result, Lugo-Ocando claims, journalism grammar and ideology differ between societies in the Global South, regardless of claims of universality." (Publisher description)
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"The conventional method for studying media systems has been to analyse the relationship between media and politics, based on Hallin and Mancini’s (2004) seminal research Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics. Their approach automatically places the nation-state as the key un
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it of analysis to understand why media systems are the way they are and why they change. Research that has advanced this endogenous method of analysis in countries outside of the Western, democratically advanced context, has brought to light the importance of including external factors in studying media systems. Building off this analytical direction, this thesis introduces three new external factors; foreign aid, the conditionalities attached to foreign aid, and the role of externally created Pan-African media policy agreements. Using a case study of Malawi, a small aid-dependent country in Southeast Africa, this research interrogates these three factors to reveal that foreign aid is a coercive foreign policy tool that has been used for manipulating change and shaping the type of media Malawi has. Based on the country’s recent transformation from its authoritarian populist past towards the dominant liberal media model in 2012, this research also reassesses Hallin and Mancini’s convergence thesis, which claimed that most countries are ‘naturally’ heading towards the dominant liberal media model. Drawing on theoretical contributions made from the fields of international relations and international development, this thesis develops a critical international political economy approach to the theory of foreign intervention to challenge this claim." (Abstract)
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"International media assistance took off during a time where the ideological extremes of USA vs. USSR were set to disappear. Following the Cold War, international relations focused on democracy building, and nurturing independent media was embraced as a key part of this strategy [...] The US and UK
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led the way in media assistance, with their liberal ideas of a free press, bolstered by free market capitalism. America was the superpower, and forged the way around the globe with its beacon of democracy [...] This essay looks at the history of media assistance and the ongoing debate on the impact of media assistance over the long term, its motives and the new balance of power appearing in international media development." (Abstract)
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"The origins of media development can be found in post World War II Europe and the industry grew as a more significant aspect of international aid work in the 1980s and the 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the former Soviet Union. It was hoped that exporting the concept o
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f a free and independent press would foster democracy in post-communist and transitional countries. While it is debated on how successful these projects were, questions are now being asked about the relevance of media development model itself, the liberal press ideology behind the training projects and what place these now have in the new media landscape." (Abstract)
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"Chinese assistance to African media is not new. What is different now is that it is being administered in the post-Cold War era with a greater degree of openness." (Page 52)
"Western-supported media assistance in transition and developing countries has a long history. Building independent media, preferably through the nongovernmental sector, is seen as an important aspect of achieving mondernization and democratization. This article questions the idealized assumptions u
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nderlining such programmes and argues that media assistance donors rarely analyze it critically. The article discusses the political character of Western media assistance and explores the organizational eco-system in which the NGOs flourish. The article concludes by observing NGOs' unexpected power in the process of providing Western media assistance." (Abstract)
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"Exposé devant l'Assemblée de l'I.I.P. à Nairobi. Résumé de la déclaration du Président Kaunda (Zambie) aux journalistes membres de l'LI.P. — Un facteur fondamental dans les relations entre la presse et l'Afrique indépendante est que l'Afrique ne possède pas de presse réellement représe
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ntative de la situation africaine — Par conséquent, elle doit avoir recours aux analystes étrangers, dont la formation est foncièrement étrangère au contexte africain — Nous sommes conscients du fait que l'Afrique a été jugée d'après les événements négatifs qui s'y sont produits, mais en revanche nos réalisations économiques et sociales, ont toujours été reléguées à l'arrière plan — L'Afrique n'est pas seule à connaître une période de confusion, cependant les préjugés des pays nantis contre l'Afrique sont si forts que les incidents les plus insignifiants sont souvent amplifiés pour illustrer la désintégration des structures politiques africaines — Les gouvernements africains font tout ce qui est en leur pouvoir pour aider les journalistes du monde entier et leur permettre de mieux comprendre l'Afrique — Le résultat n'est pas encourageant — L'Afrique continuera néanmoins à faire de son mieux pour améliorer les relations entre la presse et les gouvernements — J'estime que la presse a une tâche positive à remplir — Par sa compréhension des problèmes africains, la presse peut contribuer à augmenter la compréhension et la coopération entre les peuples." (Jean-Marie Van Bol, Abdelfattah Fakhfakh: The use of mass media in the developing countries. Brussels: CIDESA, 1971 Nr. 1184, topic code 133, 110.32, 163.20)
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"Ausgehend von der Situation der Presse in den jungen Staaten, in denen die neokolonialistischen Monopole versuchen, ihre Positionen zu festigen und auszubauen, analysiert der Autor die Faktoren, die dieser Kolonialisierung zugrunde liegen: größere materielle Mittel, Informationsmonopol und Kontro
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lle über die Ausbildung von Journalisten. Westdeutschland ist in diesem Bereich ebenfalls aktiv, durch seinen diplomatischen Apparat (Presseattachés), durch seine Beteiligung am Internationalen Presseinstitut, durch Journalistenseminare in Asien und Afrika, die auf eine „Amerikanisierung“ der Presse abzielen. Dies sollte durch vielfältige Hilfe aus den östlichen Ländern verhindert werden." (Jean-Marie Van Bol, Abdelfattah Fakhfakh: The use of mass media in the developing countries. Brussels: CIDESA, 1971 Nr. 356, topic code 121)
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"Die Bemühungen der „Neokolonialisten“ zur Beeinflussung der neuen unabhängigen afroasiatischen Länder werden anhand der Situation der Presse in Nigeria, der westlichen Presseerklärungen und der technischen Hilfe der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Bereich der Massenmedien beschrieben." (Jean-
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Marie Van Bol, Abdelfattah Fakhfakh: The use of mass media in the developing countries. Brussels: CIDESA, 1971 Nr. 949, topic code 121)
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