"The article demonstrates how Portugal lacked a true policy of imperial broadcasting which led it to become dependent on colonial stations for the dissemination of colonialism. The broadcasters established in the Portuguese Empire dedicated significant airtime to the dissemination of Portugal’s co
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lonial mission but also promoted local identities with programming echoing the lifestyle of the colonial elites. Thus, the article argues that while the Portuguese authorities considered the cultural expressions and identities of the white residents in Africa as peripheral, these perceived themselves as part of a new devolved center. This ‘peripheral centre’ gained particular ‘visibility’ on the airwaves." (Abstract)
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"Dutch international radio broadcaster Radio Nederland Wereldomroep (RNW) was founded in 1947, during the decolonization war in Indonesia. This paper explores the nature of the broadcasts to Indonesia in the early years of RNW. It is argued that these broadcasts must be seen in the context of the Du
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tch violent military effort to reestablish colonial rule in Southeast Asia. Moreover, this broadcasting strategy, which was mainly aimed at reaching out to white agents of empire in the Indonesian archipelago, can be seen as a continuation of broadcasting practices during the late colonial period in the 1930s, when Dutch were speaking to Dutch." (Abstract)
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"The colonial essence of the Portuguese nation was one of the pillars of Estado Novo (1933–1974). During this period, the media were largely used as a tool for promoting the cohesion of the territories, firstly embodying an Imperial mystique, and after the second World War, arguing for the excepti
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onalism of Portuguese colonialization and fighting enemy propaganda. However, contrary to other European empires, Portugal never had a consistent and articulated policy for using radio for these purposes. This article analyses the case of São Tomé and Príncipe, the smallest Portuguese colony in Africa and argues that the new strategy that was experimented in the archipelago in the late 60’s was characterized by a lack of organization and investment that curtailed any chances of success against competitor broadcasts. Based on archival research and interviews with former radio professionals, the case of São Tomé is presented as an example of a frail global articulation that characterized the Imperial Portuguese broadcasting strategy during this period, while it deepens the knowledge on the development of radio in the former Portuguese colonies." (Abstract)
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"This book explores Gandhi's engagement with print news media. It examines how Gandhi, the man and his message, negotiated with the sociopolitical circumstances of his milieu and the methods of communication that he adopted towards this end. It analyses the role that he played in building up alterna
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tive modes of communication in South Africa and India. This volume elucidates his interactions with the colonial communication order and his contestations of the same through various methods that included setting up new journals and newspapers and taking on the role of writer, journalist, editor, and publisher. It unveils Gandhi's engagement with mass media and print journalism, particularly concerning issues of conflict and conflict resolution, as well as social transformation right from his days in London to the last days of his life." (Publisher description)
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"This paper discusses how radio during the last decade of Dutch colonial era had served as an agent of nationalism in Indonesia. This paper applies a literature study using a historical approach that focused on Soloche Radio Vereeniging (SRV) and the Eastern Radio network, which were operational fro
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m the 1930s to the 1940s. The results suggest that SRV and Eastern Radio network during the Dutch colonial period served as tools of cultural resistance against the domination of European culture. Radio broadcasting was an alternative form of cultural diplomacy that promoted the birth of Indonesia, which had become free from colonialism." (Abstract)
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"Whereas France owned the second most important empire in the world in 1945, the colonial domination paradoxically leaned very little on radio broadcasting. It was not until 1954 that the French governement, under the impulsion of Pierre Schaeffer, inventor of the “musique concrète,” launched a
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strong effort to build an overseas broadcasting network. However, that lasting endeavor took place while the French African colonies went into a phase of quick evolution toward independence. It immediately challenged the radiophonic project that colonial authorities had designed and forced French and Africans stakeholders to adapt their strategy according to the new context." (Abstract)
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"In diesem Beitrag argumentiere ich, dass für eine Verflechtungsgeschichte von Mission seit dem 19. Jahrhundert eine medien- und kommunikationstheoretische Dimension unerlässlich ist: Mission war nicht nur eine historische Agentur, um Akteur*innen in Bewegungen zu setzen, als Reisende und Migriere
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nde, sondern mindestens im gleichen Maß eine Agentur, die Menschen medial miteinander in Verbindung brachte und so ggf. neue Asymmetrien produzierte. Missionen halfen, Räume und Gesellschaften kulturell zu verflechten, indern sie Kommunikationsarbeit verrichteten. Ideengeschichtliche Fragestellungen sind Teil dieser Überlegung: Welche Bilder, Erzählungen und Konzepte wurden über die Missionen transferiert, welche wurden zum Schweigen gebracht? Sie erschöpft sich aber nicht in diesen, sondern will im Sinne einer Praxeologie von Kommunikation auch nach den Akteuren und den Techniken des Transfers fragen und schließlich die resultierenden sozialen Handlungen erklären." (Seite 167)
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"This article attempts to examine the efficacy of indigenous-language newspapers published in South Africa during the colonial era. In doing so, the article is particularly interested to see how the success achieved by those publications could be replicated to boost post-apartheid indigenous-languag
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e media in their encounter with the hegemonic onslaught of the mainstream media whose scope and hegemony continue to expand at an alarming rate. The article embraces the notion of the public sphere and the theory of hegemony to make sense of how indigenous media permeated the language and political discourse and emerged as a strong voice for the oppressed, reinforcing at once what Herman and Chomsky (2002) refer to as ‘class consciousness’. The notion of the public sphere is found to be particularly profitable in highlighting the exclusion/inclusion of wide-ranging voices in the public affairs while the robustness of the theory of hegemony lies in its strengths to unravel the political imperatives and the ideological contest that characterized the colonial era. The article argues that indigenous publications succeeded in becoming viable platforms for the indigenous communities who had been pushed beyond the margins of citizenship. The article concludes that indigenous-language media were particularly important for their political mobilization and contribution to media diversity through the range of voices that they orchestrated." (Abstract)
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"This book examines the role played by two popular private newspapers in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe, one case from colonial Rhodesia and the other from the post-colonial era. It argues that, operating under oppressive political regimes and in the dearth of credible opposition political p
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arties or as a platform for opposition political parties, the African Daily News, between 1956-1964, and the Daily News, between 1999-2003, played an essential role in opening up spaces for political freedom in the country. Both newspapers were ultimately shut down by the respective government of the time. The newspapers allowed reading publics the opportunity to participate in politics by providing a daily analytical alternative, to that offered by the government and the state media, in relation to the respective political crises that unfolded in each of these periods. The book further examines both the information policies pursued by the different governments and the way these affected the functioning of private media in their quest to provide an "ideal" public sphere. It explores issues of ownership, funding and editorial policies in reference to each case and how these affected the production of news and issue coverage. It considers issues of class and geography in shaping public response. It also focuses on state reactions to the activities of these newspapers and how these, in turn, affected the activities of private media actors. Finally, it considers the cases together to consider the meanings of the closing down of these newspapers during the two eras under discussion and contributes to the debates about print media vis-à-vis the new forms of media that have come to the fore." (Back cover)
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"This book provides a fresh perspective on the importance of the Hindi media in India's political, social and economic transformation with evidence from the countryside and the cities. Accessed by more than forty percent of the public, it continues to play an important role in building political awa
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reness and mobilising public opinion. Instead of viewing the media as a singular entity, this book highlights its diversity and complexity to understand the changing dynamics of political communication that is shaped by the interactions between the news media, political parties and the public, and how various media forms are being used in a rapidly transforming environment. The book offers insights into how print, television, and digital media work together with, rather than in isolation from, each another to grasp the complexities of the emerging hybrid media environment and the future of mobilisation." (Publisher description)
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"With essays on audiences in ancient Greece, early modern Germany, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia, Zimbabwe, contemporary Egypt, Bengali India, China, Taiwan, and immigrant diaspora in Belgium, each chapter examines the ways in which audiences are embedded in discourses of power, representation, and
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regulation in different yet overlapping ways according to specific socio-historical contexts." (Publisher description)
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"This study identifies and critically analyses the major imperial (global and regional) political and economic factors and decisions that influenced and shaped the development of pre-independence radio broadcasting in the Bechuanaland Protectorate. With little or no consideration of the needs of the
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local population, two duelling imperialist powers – Great Britain and the Union of South Africa – negotiated, disagreed, and eventually virtually co- established a centralised, administrative radio network that reflected their own regional ambitions. Based primarily on key official British Protectorate, High Commission and Union government documents obtained from extensive archival research in the Botswana National Archives, a detailed picture emerges of two duelling imperial powers planning for their own divergent regional futures, via the establishment of administrative and political dimensions of radio policies, for a territory which both wished to control for their own purposes. Once Britain had decided against allowing South Africa's annexation of Bechuanaland, radio politics and policies fell more into line with those in other British colonial African and Asian territories, primarily managing perceived anti-colonial nationalist challenges and deterring the perceived threats posed by apartheid- and Cold War-inspired communist influences." (Abstract)
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"Analisar a trajectória e o desempenho da imprensa em São Tomé e Príncipe ao longo docolonialismo é o objectivo deste artigo. Observam-se os papéis desempenhados pelo jornalismo no contexto sociopolítico do arquipélago no período colonial, entre 1857 e 1974. Para se compreender o percurso d
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a imprensa e a sua i nterdependência do contexto político, aplicam-se as teorias do jornalismo e dos sistemas de imprensa em regimes liberais e autoritários. A investigação envolveu pesquisa em fontes primárias e secundárias, e o artigo sistematiza o legado da imprensa colonial e produz uma síntese sobre as relações entre a imprensa e o colonialismo." (Resumo)
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"This thesis operates from the observation that "Decolonising the Mind", i.e. a cultural decolonisation process, was needed after the independence of African countries to support and flesh out political decolonisation. Culture, as shown, played a major role in the mobilisation of support for nationa
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list movements, but after independence nationalist culture was just one among many. In both cases presented here, the most pressing issue after political independence was how to deal with the different identities that had previously existed and were onyl partially cushioned by political and cultural nationalism. Now that the political kingdom had been attained, the different language, cultural and political groups started to ask questions about their place in this kingdom. Although many politicians shared the idea that "once you have a national identity, the question of culture becomes something which flows automatically", it soon turned out to be misguided. Media and education were seen to be the major tools in "decolonising the mind". However, a close analysis of the electronic media in the two cases presented here shows that the policies for promoting national unity in programmes were largely ineffective. Instead, radio programmes, both before and after independence, provided a space to negotiate issues of national identity. This space was sometimes more, sometimes less restricted, but listeners used it as much as they could.
Colonial media had, for all their focus on political control and censorship, accompanied and mediated social change. As described, this happened specifically in cultural programmes, where broadcasters were much freer in their work. However, Northern Rhodesian media were supposed to work as a catalyst to further the process of modernisation, and to help its listeners come to terms with the transition from being 'traditional' to becoming 'modern' Africans. In the Apartheid broadcasting system, culture was used consciously to construct a specific 'ethnic' identity, emphasising cultural traditions of the different language groups. But while the intentions were different, both broadcasting institutions were at the centre of negotiating ideas of tradition and modernity.
Both were also established because there was a need to legitimate the respective political system. Be it the Central African Federation or a 'democratic' "South West Africa/ Namibia", the political models promoted by the authorities could not just be imposed on the people. The radios were established to give reality to these constructs, to make listeners identify with a social, political and cultural space that had been defined by colonial authorities. As shown, colonial ideologies not only surfaced in obvious propaganda programmes but also significantly determined the technical and managerial setup of the stations. While radio infrastructure was formed and reformed to structure that space – by linking three territories with different political and social power structures or, following Apartheid ideology, by assigning each language group their own space according to the homeland system – culturally as well as geographically. As shown, infrastructure mirrored the proposed political models, not just in its technical aspects (i.e., the stations' footprints, transmitting posts and frequencies), but also in management structure. As the Federal Broadcasting Services were subdivided in European and African Services, respectively catering for the whole White or Black population of all three territories, the South West African Broadcasting Corporation separated first Black and White, then subdivided the three Departments in the several language Services, each broadcasting to the designated "homeland". This infrastructure not only formed the whole process of programme production and reception but was also part of it as it imparted ideological considerations. The first order of business for independent countries was therfore to restructure the radio according to the needs of the new nations." (Conclusion, page 274-275)
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"This is the first monograph on the history of film culture ever for lusophone Africa. It consists of three parts: the colonial period (1896-1974), the first years of independence (1975-1991) and the years of the liberalization of the media (1992-2010). In these three periods attention is given to t
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he exhibition of films (and the African or local audience) and to the production of films in the country by Mozambicans or non-Mozambicans. The book takes an African perspective on film culture and the political evolutions in the country." (commbox)
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