"Through a series of qualitative interviews with a range of media stakeholders, the ultimate conclusion of this thesis is that the media landscape in Cambodia is diverse –with some (mostly foreign-owned and run) able to operate freely and independently, while others (most local Khmer media, partic
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ularly broadcast media) are not. While media development activities over the course of the last 20 years have been clearly beneficial to improving the quality of the media, many factors are preventing all media in Cambodia from becoming free, independent and sustainable. A lack of political will, improper legal intimidation, politicisation of the media, a lack of journalistic ethic and professionalism (among some), unsupportive institutional frameworks, media illiteracy among the broader population and little coordination of media development efforts are just some of the barriers that hinder real improvement in this critical sector." (Abstract, page 4)
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"Donor funded media development is a relatively new phenomenon, resulting in minimal impact. Modest gains have been made: technical improvements in television production, some better skilled journalists, development of journalists’ associations and a code of ethics, and greater citizen engagement.
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However, balanced and in-depth reports are scant and there remains limited space for freedom of expression. Professional media reports based on fact rather than opinion, on a range of sources (especially on a range of political sources) are the exception rather than the rule [...] Improvements require considerable time and effort which often extends beyond the life of a short to medium term donor horizon. AusAID, KAF, UNDP and USAID are current donors who understand this." (Conclusion, page 39)
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"Today, the DRC tops the African charts in the number of registered media outlets, be they print media, radio or television. In 2008, 638 publications were registered country-wide; there were 341 radio stations and 82 television stations, although TV is still an essentially urban phenomenon, given t
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he lack of access to electricity. Despite this hugely diverse media landscape, citizens in the provinces are often deprived of access to information, as the media are most concentrated in the capital city, Kinshasa. Congolese media outlets are characterized by poor content, a severe shortage of material and technical capacity, and significant sustainability problems. Journalists work in an unsafe environment, lack regular salaries and protection, and regularly struggle with threats to press freedom. The legal and regulatory framework does not provide sufficient guarantees and basic regulations to ensure that media outlets abandon their “informal” practices. The advertising market is still undeveloped and disorganized, providing little financial backing to media companies. The supposedly “public” broadcaster is the mouthpiece of the government, and the only “public service broadcaster” is Radio Okapi, a UN-based station. In such an unfavorable context, the involvement of donors has become increasingly important over the last 20 years. The reasons why donors have intervened and continue to support the media sector are tied to the country’s political situation. The media have thus been supported for a variety of reasons: from 1990 to 1997: to encourage new democratic media freedoms; from 2000 to 2004: to promote a return to peace and reconstruction during negotiations to solve the conflict; from 2004 to 2007: to enable the media to play their part during the electoral process, as the first democratic elections during the last 40 years took place in 2006; from 2007 to 2011: to establish a solid and responsible press likely to take part in the consolidation of democracy. Reaching $80 million over the past ten years, media support by donors and operators has varied, essentially covering five types of activities: the creation of “neutral” and “apolitical” media and content (a recurring strategy in post-conflict countries); direct support (funds or equipment) for a number of outlets; media staff training; strengthening of the sector’s professional organizations and associations; consolidation of public institutions to organize the sector (including regulation and legal reform). Each of these types of interventions has generated both positive impacts and negative effects on individual journalists, newsrooms, media outlets and local organizations in the media sector. Beneficiaries, donors, and INGOs have all advanced their own critiques regarding the ways in which media support initiatives have been designed, implemented and assessed so far. They also make suggestions about how to improve media support in the future, to make it more consistent with the needs of the local Congolese media." (Executive summary, page 6-7
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"Mali’s media remain significantly underdeveloped in terms of business management, audience research and long-term sustainability. Many media organizations remain dependent on donor funding and have done little to develop business models to attract other sources of revenue. There are more than 50
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professional associations and networks that help with training and advocacy, yet they are affected by conflicts of interests that undermine their efforts. There is no school of journalism, and media-related trainings are short-term and often centered around the shifting priorities of donors. There is no union to protect the rights of journalists and to help them in circumstances of legal persecution or harassment. It is also clear that donor priorities and programs are not doing enough to ensure the continued development of a strong independent media system. Over the past 20 years, funding has shifted from programs designed to strengthen independent media to programs that see media as tools to disseminate development information." (Conclusion, page 33)
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"Peru’s media development landscape is uniquely characterized by prolonged funding of community radios by the Catholic Church, beginning in the 1960s and continuing until today. This activity appears to redress to some degree the lack of balanced development between Lima and the provinces. The 199
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0s was detrimental for freedom of the press and media development due to the Fujimori government’s control over the flow of information. Towards the end of the 1990s and as the country transitioned to the post-Fujimori era in the 2000s, funding for media development has focused primarily on promoting ethical journalistic practices, decentralizing the flow of information, democracy, institutional accountability, transparency, and programs dedicated to public health and gender issues. Two important laws were passed during the decade of the 2000s—the Transparency and Access to Information Law (2002) and the Radio and Television Law (2004). Media development is not necessarily the only or primary activity of all NGOs involved in the area. In some cases media is complementary to the NGOs’ other programs. Issues of sustainability are of concern. As Peru is becoming a middle income, stable democracy, donors are reducing their aid. However, in order to secure freedom of the press, decentralize information flows, and further media development, NGOs still need access to international funding." (Executive summary, page 5-6)
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"For the media in Kenya to improve further, the following recommendations emerge from the study: Provide clear regulation that liberates the media at all levels, including in the editorial process; invest in practical training of media professionals to cope with the dynamic media sector and the new
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availability of data from the Kenyan government; encourage participation of all citizens in public debates, by supporting community radios; improve welfare of media practitioners, including remuneration and working conditions; resolve ethical and professional issues in professional journalism; reduce different forms of censorship, including arbitrary, legalized and disguise or covert censorship, such as prohibitive taxation on production materials; invest in media access to increase the market opportunities for new businesses; do not assume that technology alone triggers social change, or that the change that accompanies new technologies are automatically democratic and beneficial; donors should stay informed about Kenyan innovation, and support it in appropriate ways, including helping to create a better enabling environment." (Recommnedations, page 29)
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"Western donor interventions to establish and develop an independent media landscape in Ukraine have been successful overall. Multiple Western donors have helped to support the development of civil society in Ukraine and the development of its independent media system. The political landscape, speci
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fically the fact that that between 2005 and 2010 the Ukrainian Government did not interfere with independent media development and the fact that journalists and the editors enjoyed relative freedom encouraged the further development of the media. Some claim that the pro-democratic political regime was instrumental in ensuring that independent media flourished after the Orange revolution. However, this development would not have been possible without Western donor investment in the independent media and in journalism training that have been made in Ukraine from the early 1990s until the present. Most importantly, over the last six years, because of a pro-democratic leadership and indirect political pressure from the European Union on Ukraine, which wants to join the European Union, Ukrainian media and NGOs have been able to develop and flourish and are having a clear, visible impact as government watchdogs and as a barometer for the development of civil society. However, after 2010, since the beginning of the Yanukovich presidency, these watchdog functions started to diminish. Civil society in Ukraine, although still fragile, has made significant progress in recent years, and media outlets and NGOs have played a central role in its development. Donor support has been influential in the establishment and the development of the vast majority of media monitoring organizations, media and journalist training organizations, media NGOs and to a lesser extent, independent media outlets in Ukraine. Many independent media in Ukraine today exist because of the grant aid they received over the years." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"Only 40 percent of Nigerians had access to a television in 2008 according to the International Telecommunication Union, and radio is still the dominant medium, reaching three-quarters of households. Both commercial and state broadcasters favor urban audiences and those in the south of the country.
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While there is potential for increased diversity through the spread of internet services, progress is hampered by variables that continue to widen rather than bridge the digital divide. These include irregular power supply, low literacy levels, and the high cost of digital devices relative to gross domestic product (GDP). There is also an extreme gender divide: women constitute less than 1 percent of active internet users [...] Neither market liberalization nor digitization has had a meaningful impact on the independence of news providers. Even purely commercial outlets retain entrenched links with the political establishment and there remain a host of restrictive laws, which militate against media independence. There are notable exceptions to this in the online domain. News websites such as Saharareporters.com have to some extent avoided both legal and extra-legal state interference by basing their operations abroad. There is also evidence of burgeoning expression and debate in the blogosphere over issues generally considered off limits for mainstream news providers." (Executive summary)
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"The Tunisian media is still a venue for manipulation, intimidation, and bias. Media outlets are becoming the main stage for the fierce political and ideological battle between the country’s opposing camps: conservative Islamists and secular elitists. Ennahda, the Islamist winner of the first free
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elections in the history of this deeply secular country, gradually awakened to the ongoing influence of the national media and turned to old regime tactics. The Islamist party and its supporters are raising their voices against what they view as the “leftist lobbies” that are turning the media into a weapon against government policies. The true liberalization of the media sector will be impossible without the training that instills professional standards in the industry and helps members of the Tunisian media overcome entrenched habits. Guaranteeing journalists a degree of job security must also be a priority. As long as working conditions remain a concern and journalists are unable to secure decent contracts with reasonable stability and salaries, the quality of content will not be a priority." (Summary, page 1)
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"Kenya has been the scene of sweeping technological innovations, but these have often benefited solely affluent urban and foreign markets. Poorly developed infrastructure and program design have delayed benefits for the broader Kenyan public. In addition, Kenya’s innovations have proven difficult
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to transplant and to scale. M-Pesa, for example, has had trouble gaining traction in other African markets. Print and broadcast news organizations still dominate the Kenyan market and continue to grow in both audience and revenue. Most are expanding into online platforms, but these have tended to enhance and duplicate news delivery for urban elite audiences rather than reaching new, underserved audiences. Kenyans have made significant advances in freedom of expression, but news organizations on all platforms still struggle with major limitations in their enabling environment, especially crippling libel laws. The vast majority of Kenyans live in rural areas, where “last-mile” issues of electrification, infrastructure, and connectivity still constitute major challenges to their consumption of news media. Western media development programs are often slow to address these problems." (Major observations, page 7)
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